It was always a legal and moral issue.
“[O]f fundamental importance [is] the primacy of the
Illinois Constitution over considerations of political expediency” (Brief
of ISEA, RSEA, Heaton and Harrison, Plaintiffs-Appellees, 2).
Today
we celebrate a legal and moral victory. We can believe in the
Illinois Constitution for protection and believe in the sanctity of contracts once again. We can
believe the Pension Protection Clause “confers additional, independent
protection for public retirement benefits separate and distinct from the
protection afforded by the Contract Clause” (Brief of ISEA, RSEA,
Heaton and Harrison, Plaintiffs-Appellees, 22). We can believe the Pension
Protection Clause decisively has no reference to “subject to police power.” We
can believe Illinois legislators “may not rewrite the Pension Protection
Clause to include restrictions and limitations that the drafters did not
express and the citizens of Illinois did not approve” (32). We can believe “no reserved power allows a state legislature to sidestep the plain
prohibitions set out in its own constitution” (41).
As readers of my blog know, I have
stated many times to possess a right to a promised deferred compensation, such
as a pension, is to assert a legitimate claim with all Illinois legislators to
protect that right. There are no rights without obligations. They are mutually dependent. Fulfilling a contract is a legal and
moral obligation justified by trust among elected officials and their
constituents. Indeed, Senate Bill 1 was a foul insensitive attack on public
employees’ and retirees’ rights to constitutionally-guaranteed benefits.
I wrote in 2011 that challenges lie ahead for current public employees, retirees and
their families, and for every citizen of Illinois. There are liars
and thieves among us who will choose which contracts to honor and
which ones to violate in the future.
We know it's quite possible, with new legislators every few years, that another legislative thievery of our benefits and rights could happen again; thus,
we must continue our vigilance. We must continue our resistance
against dishonest politicians and their mendacious accomplices, such as members of the Civic Committee of the Commercial Club of Chicago, the Civic Federation, Illinois Policy Institute, and their ilk.
We know corrupt legislators will pass laws for their own advantage. We should recall that despite their pledges, the legislators’ criteria for justice are their considerations for what is expedient for them—their re-elections to remain in power and wealth.
We must never become
complacent in our belief that justice exists for those who simply “fight the
good fight”; nor should we become indifferent to political power and what
exorbitant wealth can buy: a “democracy on the auction block, subject to the
highest bidder” (Bill Moyers).
It is up to us to protect what we have earned for our life’s labor by opposing any attacks from the Illinois General Assembly, the Civic Committee, the Civic Federation, Illinois Policy Institute, and the Chicago Tribune, et al. We must always be ready to defend our dignity with stubborn resolve.
We are intrinsically bound to one
another in this regard. As Martin Luther
King eloquently stated, “We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality,
tied in a single garment of destiny.” We must urge our unions’ leadership to be
absolutely prepared to defend our pension benefits and rights without
apologies, without concessions, and without compromise.
“…The concerns of the delegates who drafted
article XIII, section 5, and the citizens who ratified it have
proven to be well founded. Even with the protections of that provision, the
General Assembly has repeatedly attempted to find ways to circumvent its clear
and unambiguous prohibition against the diminishment or impairment of the
benefits of membership in public retirement systems. Public Act 98-599 is
merely the latest assault in this ongoing political battle against public
pension rights. As we noted earlier, through that legislation the General
Assembly is attempting to do once again exactly what the people of Illinois,
through article XIII, section 5, said it has no authority to do and must not do…”
(The Illinois Supreme Court, May 8, 2015).
With Sincere Gratitude:
Thank you Gino L.
DiVito, John M. Fitzgerald, Brian C. Haussmann, and Uri B. Abt from Tabet
DiVito & Rothstein LLC; thank you John E. Stevens, John T. Shapiro, Michael
D. Freeborn, and Dylan Smith from Freeborn & Peters LLP; thank you Michael
T. Reagan from the Law Offices of Michael T. Reagan; thank you Donald M. Craven
from Donald M. Craven, P.C.; and thank you Aaron B. Maduff, Walker R. Lawrence,
and John D. Carr from Maduff Maduff LLC – Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees!
Thank you Honorable
John W. Belz!
Thank you Illinois
Supreme Court Justices who voted (7 -0) to uphold the Illinois Constitution! We
are grateful for those Illinois Supreme Court justices who proved Michael Madigan’s arrogant prediction was wrong!
Thank you Illinois Retired
Teachers Association, Illinois Federation of Teachers, Retired State Employees
Association, Illinois State Employees Association Retirees, State Universities
Annuitants Association, Illinois Education Association, and all of their membership who paid their dues!
Thank you Eric M. Madiar,
former Chief Legal Counsel to Illinois Senate President John J. Cullerton and
Parliamentarian of the Illinois Senate!
Thank you Fred Klonsky, John
Dillon, Ken Previti, Bob Lyons, Bob Zahniser, et al.!
Most importantly, thank you
prescient Delegates Helen Kinney and Henry Green for jointly sponsoring the
Pension Protection Clause proposal as an amendment to the proposed Legislative
Article at the 1970 Illinois Constitution! Thank you Delegates Anthony M. Peccarelli, Donald D. Zeglis, et al., and
the citizens of Illinois who ratified Article XIII, Section 5 of the Illinois
Constitution on December 15, 1970!
Sincerely,
-Glen Brown
Here Are a Few Significant Court Rulings on the Legislative Attempts to Break a Constitutional Contract:
1975 People
ex. Rel. Illinois Federation of Teachers v. Lindberg
“While the drafters did not intend for the Clause to
require the funding of the pension system at any particular funding percentage,
they nonetheless intended to require that pension benefit payments be paid when
those payments became due, even if a pension system were to default or be on
the verge of default. Indeed, the drafters contemplated that an employee could
enforce his or her right to benefit payments in court through a group action to
compel payment… The Illinois Supreme Court concluded that the Clause guarantees
that pension recipients will receive pension payments when they come due”
(Madiar).
1979 Kraus
v. Board of Trustees… Police Pension Fund, Niles
Law existing at the time of “vesting” is incorporated
into employee’s agreement… Pension benefits commence at the time employee
contributions begin… General Assembly cannot modify benefits. “The Clause
protects pension benefit rights as an enforceable contractual relationship that
is subject to modification [only] through contract principles.” Moreover, this case also “clarified that pension benefit rights were 'contractual' in nature under the Clause... [T]he court [also] rejected the notion that the General Assembly somehow retained a 'reserved power' to modify and reduce pension benefits because neither the Clause's text nor drafting history supported that view” (Madiar).
1985 Felt
v. Board of Trustees (Judges)
…Can’t diminish terms of contract with pension system…
Pension based upon salary of last day of service or last year. “The Clause
protects pension benefit rights as an enforceable contractual relationship...” Furthermore, “The Supreme Court concluded that the Pension Clause was intended to protect pension benefits 'by first creating a contractual relationship between the employer and the employee' and by 'mandating that the General Assembly not impair or diminish these rights'” (Madiar).
1987 Buddell
v. Board of Trustees State University Retirement System (SURS)
…Can’t diminish terms of contract with pension system…
Pension Code allows employees to purchase service credit for time in the
military. “The court concluded 'there can be no doubt... that upon the effective date of [the Pension Clause], the rights conferred upon the plaintiff by the Pension Code became contractual in nature and cannot be altered, modified or released except in accordance with usual contract principles” (Madiar).
1996 McNamee
v. State
Vested Case Issue: an employee acquires a “vested” right
when he or she enters the pension system. Asks questions whether “the Pension
Clause mandates that the pension system be funded at a particular funding
percentage or according to a funding schedule.” The Pension Clause “creates an
enforceable contractual relationship that protects only the right to receive
benefits… A cause of action would exist if legislation diminished a person’s
right to receive benefits or placed the pension system on the verge of default
or imminent bankruptcy… The Illinois Supreme Court concluded that the Clause
guarantees that pension recipients will receive pension payments when they come
due” (Madiar).
1998 People ex. Rel. Sklodowski v. State
Vested Case Issue: an employee acquires a “vested” right
when he or she enters the pension system. (Lindberg ‘75/McNamee ‘96) “Clause does
not create a contractual basis for participants to expect a particular level of
funding… [However,] the Illinois Supreme Court concluded that the Clause
guarantees that pension recipients will receive pension payments when they come
due” (Madiar).
“The
purpose of the clause and its dual features have never been in dispute. As we
noted in People ex rel. Sklodowski v.
State, 182 Ill. 2d 220, 228-29 (1998), the clause ‘served to eliminate any
uncertainty as to whether state and local governments were obligated to pay pension
benefits to the employees,’ and its ‘plain language’ not only ‘makes
participation in a public pension plan an enforceable contractual relationship,’
but also ‘demands that the ‘benefits’ of that relationship ‘shall not be
diminished or impaired’” (from the Illinois Supreme Court Ruling, May 8, 2015).
2014 Kanerva v. Weems
The Pension Protection Clause makes it “clear that if
something qualifies as a benefit of the enforceable contractual relationship
resulting from membership in one of the State’s pension or retirement systems,
it cannot be diminished or impaired… [The State of Illinois] may not rewrite
the Pension Protection Clause to include restrictions and limitations that the
drafters did not express and the citizens of Illinois did not approve...
[P]ension benefits are insulated from diminishment or impairment by the General
Assembly…” (Kanerva, 2014 IL 115811, 38, 41, 48).
2015 Doris Heaton, et al. v. Pat Quinn, in his capacity as Governor of the State of Illinois, et al.
“…The judgment of the circuit court declaring Public Act 98-599 to be unconstitutional and permanently enjoining its enforcement is affirmed.”
From Today's Ruling:
"…As this opinion has previously
observed, our economy is and has always been subject to fluctuations, sometimes
very extreme fluctuations. Throughout the past century, market forces have
periodically placed significant pressures on public pension systems. The
repercussions of underfunding those pension systems in such an environment have
been well-documented and were well-known when the General Assembly enacted the
provisions of the Pension Code which Public Act 98-599 now seeks to change.
"The General Assembly had
available to it all the information it needed to estimate the long-term costs
of those provisions, including the costs of annual annuity increases, and the
provisions have operated as designed. 13 The General Assembly
understood that the provisions would be subject to the pension protection
clause. In addition, the law was clear that the promised benefits would
therefore have to be paid, and that the responsibility for providing the
State’s share of the necessary funding fell squarely on the legislature’s
shoulders.
"Accordingly, the funding
problems which developed were entirely foreseeable. The General Assembly may
find itself in crisis, but it is a crisis which other public pension systems
managed to avoid and, as reflected in the SEC order, it is a crisis for which
the General Assembly itself is largely responsible.
"Moreover,
no possible claim can be made that no less drastic measures were available when balancing pension obligations
with other State expenditures became problematic. One alternative, identified
at the hearing on Public Act 98-599, would have been to adopt a new schedule
for amortizing the unfunded liabilities. The General Assembly could also have
sought additional tax revenue. While it did pass a temporary income tax
increase, it allowed the increased rate to lapse to a lower rate even as
pension funding was being debated and litigated.
"That the State did not select
the least drastic means of addressing its financial difficulties is reinforced
by the legislative history. As noted earlier in this opinion, the chief sponsor
of the legislation stated candidly that other alternatives were available.
Public Act 98-599 was in no sense a last resort. Rather, it was an expedient to
break a political stalemate.
"…Adherence to constitutional requirements often requires significant sacrifice, but our survival as a society depends on it. The United States Supreme Court made the point powerfully nearly a century and a half ago when it struck down as unconstitutional President Lincoln’s use of executive authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus during the Civil War, a period of emergency that, by any measure, eclipsed the one facing our General Assembly today. In rejecting the government’s argument that wartime concerns justified the curtailment of the constitutional protections, the Supreme Court employed language which seems appropriate to this case:
"'Time has proven the
discernment of our ancestors; for even these provisions, expressed in such
plain English words, that it would seem the ingenuity of man could not evade
them, are now, after the lapse of
more than seventy years, sought to be avoided. Those great and good men foresaw
that troublous times would arise, when rulers and people would become restive
under restraint, and seek by sharp and decisive measures to accomplish ends
deemed just and proper; and that the principles of constitutional liberty would
be in peril, unless established by irrepealable law. The history of the world
had taught them that what was done in the past might be attempted in the
future. The Constitution *** is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and
in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men, at
all times, and under all circumstances. No doctrine, involving more pernicious
consequences, was ever invented by the wit of man than that any of its
provisions can be suspended during any of the great exigencies of government.
Such a doctrine leads directly to anarchy or despotism ***.'" (Emphasis in
original.) Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S.
2, 120-21 (1866).
For the Complete Ruling,
N THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS
ReplyDelete(Docket No. 118585)
In re PENSION REFORM LITIGATION (Doris Heaton et al., Appellees, v. Pat Quinn, Governor, State of Illinois, et al., Appellants).
Opinion filed May 8, 2015
JUSTICE KARMEIER delivered the judgment of the court, with opinion.
Chief Justice Garman and Justices Freeman, Thomas, Kilbride, Burke, and Theis concurred in the judgment and opinion.
Dear Glen,
ReplyDeleteTHANK YOU.
By the way, I am merely part of the et al. You did the heavy lifting.
Ken
My good friend Fred Klonsky's favorite paragraph in the IL Supreme Court ruling:
ReplyDelete"The General Assembly may not legislate on a subject withdrawn from its authority by the constitution (see Hunt v. Rosenbaum Grain Corp., 355 Ill. 504, 509 (1934); City of Chicago v. County of Cook, 370 Ill. 301, 306 (1938)), and it cannot rely on police powers to overcome this limitation. As we have already explained, there simply is no police power to disregard the express provisions of the constitution. It could not be otherwise, for if police powers could be invoked to nullify express constitutional rights and protections whenever the legislature (or other branches of government) felt that economic or other exigencies warranted, it is not merely pension benefits of public employees that would be in jeopardy. No rights or property would be safe from the State. Today it is nullification of the right to retirement benefits. Tomorrow it could be renunciation of the duty to repay State obligations. Eventually, investment capital could be seized. Under the State’s reasoning, the only limit on the police power would be the scope of the emergency. The legislature could do whatever it felt it needed to do under the circumstances. And more than that, through its funding decisions, it could create the very emergency conditions used to justify its suspension of the rights conferred and protected by the constitution. If financial markets were rational, this prospect would not buoy our economy, it would ruin it."
Hope we don't have to fight for our rights again.
ReplyDelete