Tuesday, August 4, 2026

Trump’s ‘thriving economy’ is a disaster.


Trump keeps insisting that the economy under his watch is the “greatest” ever, declaring during a trip to Michigan last week that “Michigan is thriving,” and “America is winning like never before.” This is batty. Last week, two doses of rotten economic news underscored how delusional Trump’s thinking is and provided evidence that Americans should not expect sunny economic times anytime soon.

First, “Mortgage rates jumped to their highest level in a year, dealing another blow to a long-stalled housing market that shows little sign of recovering,” the Wall Street Journal reported. 

“The 30-year fixed rate averaged 6.66% this week, up from 6.58% the week prior, according to Freddie Mac. That marked the fourth consecutive week of rising rates, as intensifying conflict in the Middle East pushed up inflation expectations and a divided Federal Reserve sowed doubt about the path of interest rates.”

Trump’s “sock puppet,” Federal Reserve Chairman Ken Warsh, who Trump moved heaven and earth to install (after firing and attempting to prosecute greatly respected former Fed chairman Jerome Powell) to obtain lower interest rates, not only has failed to deliver, but has triggered the opposite effect. Warsh spooked the markets after his appearance at the latest Federal Open Market Committee meeting, when he failed to convince investors that he is serious about fighting inflation.

Once more, Trump’s preference for sycophancy over merit or experience has come back to haunt him. 

“The verdict from one of the most closely read Fed watchers in the business was blunt. ‘Warsh didn’t convey the message clearly or explicitly, and the bond market puked on him,’” Wall Street Journal reporter Jon Hilsenrath wrote. “The evidence sat right there on the screen: the 30-year Treasury yield jumped as much as 14 basis points to nearly 5.23%, its highest level since 2007. A 19-year high, delivered in the hours after the chairman stepped down from the podium.”

Meanwhile, economic growth has slowed under Trump. 

“Gross domestic product, a broad measure of goods and services, increased just 1.5% for the April-through June period, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis numbers adjusted for seasonality and inflation,” CNBC reported. “Economists surveyed by Dow Jones had been looking for a growth rate of 1.8%, following the 2.1% increase in the first quarter.” Separately, “the personal consumption expenditures price index, which is the Federal Reserve’s primary forecasting gauge, fell a seasonally adjusted 0.1% for the month, putting the annual inflation rate at 3.7%.”

Trump’s pathological narcissism — specifically, his insistence on surrounding himself with mediocre flunkies who refuse to challenge his delusional thinking, paired with his inability to admit error or accept any facts that reflect poorly on him — prevents him from taking any measures to change course. He will never acknowledge that his poor economic policies (exacerbated by his inflation-fueling war) have produced results far worse than his Democratic predecessors. 

Instead, he doubles down on the very things that create economic pain (tariffs, extending the war); insults voters by insisting their affordability crisis is fictional; and laughably blames former president Joe Biden, who has not been in office for more than 18 months and produced, on average, over 300,000 jobs per month.

No wonder Trump’s approval ratings have fallen off a cliff, hitting new lows in multiple surveys. 

In poll after poll, voters say Trump is not concerned about the right things. And who can blame them for thinking that Trump is not listening to their concerns, when he spends so much time spinning conspiracy theories about the 2020 election, obsessing over prosecuting enemies, raising prices by implementing new tariffs, making healthcare more expensive, and fixating on an unwinnable forever war that raises fuel prices and accomplishes nothing for the American people?

Republicans, who lack the nerve to challenge Trump’s self-destructive policies, will bear the burden in November of voters’ anger over an economic agenda that has been rubber-stamped. 

Rather than provide relief to millions who have lost healthcare coverage, or restore SNAP benefits to 4 million Americans (including 1 million children), their toadyism to Trump and the billionaire donor class has prompted them to throw tens of billions at rogue, murderous ICE storm troopers and an unprecedented $1.15 trillion on the Pentagon (which the Senate has blocked for now). 

As Connecticut Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy put it, “This budget tells you everything you need to know about what the Republican Party really stands for: unlimited taxpayer dollars for war and handouts to billionaires, and not a penny left over to help the American families who can’t afford to buy groceries or fill up their gas tank.”

Trump’s unbridled corruption only heightens the accurate perception that Trump views the presidency as his personal money-making operation, the results for ordinary Americans be damned. In refusing to lift a finger to stop the orgy of self-enrichment, Republicans have aggravated the populist anger bubbling over nationwide.

Recall that the same interplay between economic malpractice and corruption spelled the end of Trump’s pal, former Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán earlier this year. As in Hungary, Americans are feeling both poor economic performance and revulsion over self-dealing. 

Voters understand that Trump is interested in maximizing his wealth (which he has boosted by more than $2B since returning to office), not improving family finances for the American people. 

By a stunning 49-19 percent margin (the outsized undecided tally likely reflects Republicans too browbeaten to admit their guy is a crook), Americans label Trump “corrupt.” Trump and his right-wing media enablers can no longer conceal the glaring contrast between ordinary Americans’ economic hardship and the unprecedented self-enrichment Trump and his oligarch pals are reaping.

In sum, Trump’s personal economy may be “thriving,” thanks to $2B in ill-gotten gains since returning to office, but Americans are not. 

Republicans have every reason to fear they will pay a political price for this rotten economic record, unmitigated corruption, misguided priorities, and gross incompetence. And they should. In ceding their constitutional obligations and becoming yes-men for a fetid, corrupt, and thoroughly incompetent president, they have proven themselves unworthy of voters’ trust. Voters’ only recourse will be to throw them out of office en masse in November.

-Jennifer Rubin, The Contrarian is community-supported. Help fund bold journalism and critical lawsuits to stop Trump’s corruption by becoming a paid subscriber. Join the fight now.

 

Monday, August 3, 2026

"He is harvesting and extorting the organizations he oversees for personal profit, while the rest of us will be left bereft amid the ruins"-Chris Hedges


I visited Donald Trump’s Taj Mahal Casino in Atlantic City the day before it closed, in October 2016. The casino had two huge white gates flanked by 2-ton white, cast-stone elephants. Its entrance was topped by an array of 70 turquoise and teal fiberglass minarets and a dozen gold-tipped domes. A neon sign with red and gold lettering read: “Trump Taj Mahal Casino and Resort.” A lighted fountain in front of the glass casino doors was decorated with two rows of six white-and-gold urns.

The Trump Taj Mahal, New Jersey’s tallest building and the world’s largest casino, cost $1.2 billion to build. The opulent suites, when they opened, were named after historical personalities — Alexander the Great, Michelangelo, Napoleon and Cleopatra. The suites cost around $10,000 per day. Trump, whose name and image were plastered throughout the casino, employed his familiar hyperbole to call it the “eighth wonder of the world.” The casino operators were instructed to answer incoming calls with the words: “Thank you for calling the Trump Taj Mahal, where wonders never cease.” The waitresses wore “harem girl” outfits.

The casino went through bankruptcy five times. Trump is doing to the country what he did to the Taj Mahal. His administration is operating well beyond its means with a budget of $7.4 trillion for fiscal year 2026, against projected revenue of just $5.6 trillion. Trump’s idiocy has embroiled the United States in an endless and unwinnable war with Iran, which may tank the global economy. 

He is set to cut health coverage for 15 million people, along with food assistance and other basic needs programs. He has terminated the jobs of thousands of government employees. He has shut down USAID, the U.S. Institute of Peace and the Kennedy Center. He gutted Voice of America and vows to close the Department of Education. He withdrew from the World Health Organization and the Paris Climate Agreement (twice). He continued the suspension of funding for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which had begun under the Biden administration. He canceled thousands of U.S.-funded international development projects. He erased government datasets and climate-related web pages. He slashed the budgets for renewable energy initiatives while revoking federal carbon and pollution regulations.

His scorched earth policies, which are dynamiting the foundations of the republic, are accompanied by a culture of corruption and deceit that is unmatched in American history.

Trump, whose officials face accusations of insider trading and whose family has made more than $1.4 billion from crypto-related ventures since taking office, shamelessly profits from the fusion of unregulated cryptocurrency-based prediction markets and politics pioneered by gambling apps, such as Poly-market.

Donald Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm, 1789 Capital, is a major investor in Poly-market, where he sits on the advisory board. He has an estimated net worth of $400 million. He also serves as a strategic advisor at Kalshi, which gave him equity in the company worth some $300,000 — now estimated to be worth millions. Kalshi recently announced it will allow users to bet on whether the FDA will approve individual drugs as “safe and effective.”

Trump’s Truth Social is developing a prediction market called Truth Predict. His administration sued Connecticut, Arizona and Illinois in an attempt to block these states from regulating prediction markets. Truth Social also launched a $100,000 per month service offering quicker access to Trump’s market manipulating posts — a thinly disguised version of insider trading.

The White House, replicating the mob-style shakedowns of Atlantic City’s casino culture, demands huge payouts from corporations and billionaires in exchange for political favors and deregulation. The Wall Street Journal writes that Trump has amassed a slush fund of $800 million for pet projects, including his ballroom, presidential library, super PACs and political issue committees.

Trump’s chief fundraiser, Meredith O’Rourke, nicknamed “The princess of darkness,” collects the payoffs with the blunt pitch “The boss wants this money.” The nonnegotiable demand is lifted from the playbook of Nicodemo Little Nicky” Scarfothe head of the Bruno-Scarfo crime family, whose extortion racket collected millions from Atlantic City construction firms, businesses, bars, restaurants, unions – which saw their health and welfare funds looted – and casinos. And, just like the mob, once is never enough for the Trump crime syndicate.

It always comes back for more. Trump, who like most mobsters is accompanied by a much younger goomah — his latest being his executive assistant Natalie Harp — has a long history of mob-like retribution. He issued executive orders targeting law firms that previously employed attorneys who investigated him. The firms lost security clearances and access to federal courthouses. Scrambling to placate Trump, they sheepishly succumbed to his demands.

When I arrived at Trump’s casino, the 22-space tour bus terminal was empty. Most of the 12 restaurants in the casino were closed. The casino’s arena, seating 5,500 people, had shut its doors. The Trump Taj Mahal, like our republic, was about to die.

“When I walked inside the Taj, glittering Austrian crystal chandeliers, which cost $14 million each, dangled over the softly lit interior,” I wrote in America: The Farewell Tour. “Many were missing strings of beads. The walls were covered with mirrors. I looked out at rows of gaming tables, blackjack tables, roulette wheels, and three thousand slot machines that twinkled with colored lights. The slot machines emitted beeps, hums, and dings of various pitches. They stretched over an area the size of three football fields. The gambling floor was almost empty. The dealers stood in front of vacant, felt-covered tables. Most of the gamblers who slumped in the cushioned chairs in front of the slot machines were elderly and haggard. They robotically pulled down levers or pushed square buttons. They stared blankly at the spinning screens in front of them. One slot machine generates between $200 and $300 a day for the casino. The dedicated gamblers are given courtesy drinks. Housekeepers occasionally enter rooms to discover the corpses of elderly men or women who spent hours drinking more alcohol than their bodies could absorb. It is not uncommon for slot players to wet and soil themselves.”

“The seventeen computerized check-in desks near the entrance were empty,” I continued. “A lone clerk stood behind the long counter facing empty rope lines. Toilets in the bathrooms, adorned with Carrera marble, were covered with plastic bags and had signs reading ‘Out of Order.’ I walked along the soiled and worn carpet through long, deserted, and poorly lit corridors on the upper floors. Semicircular beige wall sconces, some of which enclosed burned-out bulbs, were placed every few feet on either side of the hall. The sconces were dirty and cracked. The ceiling had brown water spots. The air smelled of mold. Three quarters of the 1,250 rooms had been mothballed. The casino felt like a ghost ship.”

Gambling, like Trump’s sham university and his $TRUMP meme coin, is about selling escapist fantasies. It is about preying on people’s despair. The spinning reels on the slot machines, for example, are an illusion. They do not slowly run out of momentum. They are programmed to appear that way. Computer chips determine the outcome the moment the button is pushed or the lever pulled. Virtual reel mapping ensures that a jackpot symbol appears above or below the payline. The player has the impression of almost winning, spurring the gambler to bet more money.

Trump from his earliest days as a real estate developer was enmeshed with the mob, including his cutthroat lawyer, Roy Cohen. Cohen represented Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno, the boss of the Genovese crime family, and Carmine Galante from the Bananno crime family. Trump was schooled by Cohen and others in the art of extortion, blackmail, threats and graft. He has, throughout his career, surrounded himself with mobsters, grifters and sycophants.

Joseph Weichselbaum, a three-time-convicted felon who was eventually imprisoned for trafficking marijuana and cocaine, managed Trump’s helicopter fleet. The helicopters ferried high rollers to and from Trump casinos. These high rollers could get anything they desired, from sex with escorts to cocaine. Weichselbaum’s easy access to drugs was probably an asset. When Weichselbaum was awaiting sentencing, Trump wrote to the judge that he was “a credit to the community.” The trafficker received a three-year sentence, although he served only 18 months. The couriers who physically delivered the drugs for Weichselbaum got up to 20 years. When he was released from prison, Weichselbaum moved into Trump Tower with his girlfriend.

Trump’s casino opened in 1990 with a concert by Michael Jackson. It was an extravaganza built with $820 million of unsustainable debt, including the issuing of $675 million in junk bonds at a 14 percent interest rate.

Marvin B. Roffman, a casino analyst at the Philadelphia investment firm Janney Montgomery Scott, told The Wall Street Journal that the Taj Mahal would need to make $1.3 million per day to meet its interest payments. No casino had ever brought in that much money.

“The Taj was doomed from the start,” I wrote. “Trump soon had to service interest rates of $95 million a year. He was able to get new loans for a while and then went bust. It was a brief and giddy moment of insane excess. But it was good for his outsized brand, even if it showed an atrocious lack of business sense. Trump had borrowed money at high interest rates and lied about the rates to regulators. Trump dumped the losses on stock and bondholders, who were fleeced for more than $1.5 billion. Numerous local contractors and suppliers, never paid by Trump, went bankrupt.”

Trump made out like a bandit. He put up little of his own money. He shifted personal debts to the casino and collected millions of dollars in salary, bonuses and other payments. His casino employees collectively lost millions of dollars in retirement savings, along with their jobs. His business debts were off-loaded on his investors.

Trump owned three casinos in Atlantic City and one in Gary, Indiana. The Trump Plaza and the Trump Taj Mahal casinos were shut down. The Trump Marina, his third casino, was sold to Texas billionaire Tilman Fertitta. Fertitta, currently Trump’s ambassador to Italy, renamed it The Golden Nugget. Trump’s casino in Indiana, a 340-foot vessel called the Trump Princess, declared bankruptcy in 2004.

All failed because of Trump’s insatiable greed and mismanagement. Trump is doing to the nation what he did to the Taj Mahal. He is harvesting and extorting the organizations he oversees for personal profit, while the rest of us will be left bereft amid the ruins.

The Chris Hedges Report is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Taj Mahal, the casino owned by Donald Trump in Atlantic City, USA. (Photo by Tony Ward/Mirrorpix/Getty Images)


Sunday, August 2, 2026

The Death of the Federal Firewall


a golden padlock sitting on top of a keyboard

The dismantling of privacy safeguards is an unprecedented consolidation of domestic surveillance power. In the quiet, behind-the-scenes machinery of American governance in Washington, D.C., there are few things as vital or central — or as invisible — to the average citizen as the firewall. For decades, strict legal and technical barriers have dictated how federal agencies handle our most private information.

The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) keeps your tax filings sealed from political appointees. The Social Security Administration (SSA) guards your life history, employment records, and benefit eligibility.

These data silos were designed with a clear, bipartisan intent: to prevent any presidential administration from weaponizing the massive apparatus of Americans’ data against the public or political opponents.

Today, those firewalls are being quietly dismantled.

Recent reporting from The Wall Street Journal revealed that the current head of the IRS and the Social Security Administration in the Trump administration built a track record in the private sector of breaching internal firewalls to spy on his own corporate colleagues.

When the leader of Trump’s IRS and SSA who has a habit of workplace spying comes to an administration dismantling personal privacy protections, every American should be alarmed. In truth, that history alone should raise immediate alarms about fitness for public office. But when placed within the broader context of current Trump White House policy, it signals something far more structural and dangerous.

Over the past 18 months, we’ve witnessed a systematic purging of senior career personnel across key civil agencies. These are the very administrators whose professional duty was to uphold regulatory standards and resist unlawful data sharing.

In their place, new initiatives under the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and Trump White House directives have aggressively pushed to interconnect agency databases, effectively eroding the barriers between federal privacy records.

Having served as deputy commissioner of Social Security in a previous administration, I know firsthand why these separations exist. The personal data held by the SSA and IRS covers virtually every living American. Combined, these records construct a near-complete blueprint of a citizen’s financial health, personal relationships, employment status, and physical location.

When you eliminate the technical and administrative firewalls separating these agency repositories, you create an unmonitored central registry. And when you place that centralized capability in the hands of political operatives with a documented willingness to cross privacy boundaries, you eliminate independent oversight entirely.

This isn’t merely an abstract debate over administrative procedure or bureaucratic efficiency. It is a fundamental shift in the relationship between the citizen and the state.

When personal data can be shared, aggregated, and scrutinized across agency lines without warrants, statutory authorization, or career civil service oversight, the potential for selective enforcement and political retaliation becomes an everyday reality.

A government that can effortlessly link your tax returns, benefit claims, and personal records can target anyone, anytime, for any reason.

The dismantling of federal privacy firewalls represents an unprecedented consolidation of domestic surveillance power. If the public and Congress fail to demand the immediate restoration of these statutory safeguards, the damage to civil liberties will outlast any single administration.

Jeff Nesbit was the deputy commissioner for communications at the Social Security Administration in the Biden-Harris administration.


-Jeff Nesbit, The Contrarian is community-supported. Help fund bold journalism and critical lawsuits to stop Trump’s corruption by becoming a paid subscriber. Join the fight now.

Photo by Towfiqu barbhuiya on Unsplash

 

Saturday, August 1, 2026

The Wisconsin Department of Revenue revoked the alcohol license of a local brewery that is infamous for criticizing President Trump earlier this week

Kirk Bangstad, the owner of the Minocqua Brewing Company and a liberal activist, wrote a lengthy Substack post on Sunday, July 26, opposing the department's attempt to "shut down the state's most progressive brewery for violations that can only be described as laughable."

According to Fox News, Bangstad's brewery is known for its anti-Trump social media posts. One of the company's posts, made in January 2026, reportedly made the free beer offer, which read: "Free beer, all day long, the day he dies. Show us this post when it happens in a few months and we'll make good on that promise."

In his Substack post, Bangstad has called the post "a joke." The revocation of Minocqua's beer license will come into effect next week, on August 4.

According to Fox News, three months later, after the shooting attempt at the WHCD, the company posted: "Well, we almost got #freebeerday. Either a brother or sister in the Resistance needs to work on their marksmanship or he faked another assassination to get a positive news cycle. We'll never know. Regardless, we stand at the ready to pour free beer the day it happens."

When the news outlet reached out to the Wisconsin Department of Revenue about the revocation, a spokesperson said: "We can confirm that the Department of Revenue has issued notice of a Brewer's permit revocation for two Minocqua Brewing Company locations and notice of an Alcohol Beverage Warehouse permit revocation for one location. The business has until August 4th to appeal and can operate during the appeal process."

The revocation of Minocqua Brewing Company comes a month after authorities seized canned beer from the brewery in June, claiming that it had been transported from Illinois without the required permits and taxes.

In his Substack post, Kirk Bangstad made it clear that he intended to challenge the Wisconsin Department of Revenue's decision to revoke his license. He wrote:

"As you can imagine, I’m not taking this lying down. We’re going to fight the state of Wisconsin tooth and nail, and once again, they’ll have to pry me out of my taprooms before I stop selling beer to thirsty progressives who come to visit us."

Bangstad also requested his readers to support the legal fees he would incur in the process: "As usual, fighting to keep my business alive means I have to pay lawyers, and that’s never cheap. Every time this [happens], I rack up $100K in legal bills before we even see a judge. If you can help chip into the Minocqua Company’s legal defense fund, I’d really appreciate it."

The brewery has also dropped merchandise opposing the revocation, with its links attached at the bottom of Bangstad's post.

 Kirk Bangstad asked his readers to donate to help him challenge the license revocation

First Amendment:




Thursday, July 30, 2026

"We are in Senator Joseph McCarthy territory"

 


"I have not used TMZ's YouTube channel to vent personal feelings about issues, but I'm going to do that today," Harvey Levin said. "Watching Anthony Fauci before a congressional hearing taking the Fifth Amendment is just one of the most heartbreaking things I have seen in government in my lifetime. And this is something we need to reckon with."

"I'm going to say up front; I have problems with the way the CDC handled COVID," he continued. "I think that they did damage to children, to adults, and I don't think they did it maliciously. I think they did it because they were using their judgment and were overprotective, and I think at times overstated things, things they said they knew but really didn't. And I have personal problems with the way that COVID was handled."

"That said, Anthony Fauci, over a period of decades, has been an amazing public servant. In the 80s, I had many friends who died of AIDS, a horrible, painful death. And I had friends who lived because of Anthony Fauci, because he was willing to look at experimental drugs in a different way than they had looked at them before, and that really resulted in lives saved."

"And Fauci has done so many other things in his career to thwart epidemics, to save lives, not just in the United States, but all over the world. He has been a dedicated public servant who could have made a lot more money outside of government than inside, but he stayed."

"And now we are at a point where members of Congress, and yes, you, Rand Paul, are on a witch hunt. And the best I can say for Rand Paul is that he's being really honest. I mean, he has said now, over a period of years, he wants Anthony Fauci in a jail cell. He has said it out loud. He wants him in a jail cell. That's the point of this hearing. That's why they're doing this."

"They want to take something that Anthony Fauci says and then claim it amounts to perjury, and they want to prosecute him, they want to convict him, and they want to throw him in prison. That's the point of this hearing. There is no other point of this hearing."

"There could be. I mean, there are things they could certainly ask him, but he can't answer, because if he answers, it doesn't matter what he says. You know, if you can prosecute somebody for frickin' seashells on the beach shore, then you could certainly prosecute somebody for what they say in a congressional hearing."

"And that's the climate we're in. We are in a Senator Joseph McCarthy climate, where there is such fear that people have, and legitimate fear, that they'll end up in prison for what they say, no matter what it is, if they are on the wrong side of somebody in Congress or the administration, that they have been silenced. And that's where we are right now."

"We are in Senator Joseph McCarthy territory. And the idea that you have to watch this man take the Fifth Amendment, and again, I will say that I disagree personally with some of the CDC decisions. Absolutely, I did. That said, he's a public servant who worked for us and saved lives for decades. And we are turning him into what Rand Paul wants to be, a criminal. And Rand Paul has a political agenda, and it is prevailing here."

"Watching Rand Paul order security to throw Anthony Fauci's lawyer out of that hearing was unbelievable to me."

"We are in a dark period of America," he concluded.

More public figures need to speak out like this immediately. Republicans are scapegoating Fauci because they can't handle the truth that Donald Trump was directly responsible for COVID-19 getting as bad as it did. He downplayed it from the very start, undermined experts, and spread dangerous misinformation. Meanwhile, Dr. Fauci did everything in his power to save as many lives as possible, urging Americans to wear masks, socially distance, and treat the coronavirus like the deadly threat it was. He's an American hero.

If anyone should be hauled in front of Congress to testify about their behavior during the pandemic, it's Trump!

-Harvey Levin, Occupy Democrats


Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Threatening Seashells?


WASHINGTON (AP) — Former FBI Director James Comey urged a judge on Monday to throw out federal charges against him, arguing that a photo of seashells arranged on a beach he posted on social media was not a call to violence against President Donald Trump but protected political speech.

Comey's lawyers argue the government cannot prove the Instagram photo of seashells in the numerical arrangement of "86 47" constituted a "true threat" against the Republican president, who fired Comey in 2017 and has publicly called for his prosecution. The slogan — which has long meant to "get rid of" or "eject" — has been featured on thousands of items sold online and regularly displayed at protests, defense lawyers wrote in court papers.

"But the government now singles out Mr. Comey to prosecute one of the President's most prominent critics for publishing another person's statement of political opposition," his attorney's wrote. "That attempt to suppress core political speech contravenes both the statutes at issue and the First Amendment."

The seashells case against Comey was the second in months targeting the ex-FBI director, a long-running Trump foe whom the president over the years has called a "corrupt piece of garbage" and other pejorative names.

An earlier case in Virginia accusing Comey of lying to Congress was dismissed last November after a judge concluded that the prosecutor who charged him and another Trump adversary, New York Attorney General Letitia James, was illegally appointed to the job.

More broadly, the case is part of a retribution campaign by the Trump administration Justice Department, which has initiated investigations across the country into individuals the president does not like. Comey has long drawn Trump's ire for his role overseeing the early months of an investigation into whether Trump's 2016 campaign had coordinated with Russia to sway the outcome of that year's election.

The two-count indictment charges Comey with "knowingly and willfully" making a threat to "take the life of, and to inflict bodily harm upon" Trump and with transmitting a threat in interstate commerce. It does not provide evidence that Comey knowingly threatened Trump, especially since Comey has said the opposite, but suggested a "reasonable recipient who is familiar with the circumstances would interpret" the message as a threat.

Comey was interviewed by the Secret Service last year over the post after Trump administration officials asserted that he was advocating the assassination of Trump, the 47th president. Comey deleted the post shortly after it was made, writing: "I didn't realize some folks associate those numbers with violence" and "I oppose violence of any kind, so I took the post down."

"Even if '86 47' could implausibly be read to suggest violence, a reasonable observer would still understand Mr. Comey's post as mere political hyperbole, not a true threat," Comey's lawyers wrote. "The Supreme Court has rejected threats prosecutions based on speech far more directly threatening than Mr. Comey's seashells post here."

The Justice Department has not elaborated on any evidence of intent the government has. But acting Attorney General Todd Blanche said earlier this year that prosecutors in every case prove intent with "witnesses, with documents, with the defendant himself to the extent it's appropriate."

"And that's how we'll prove intent in this case," Blanche said in April, shortly after he was elevated to lead the department after Pam Bondi's firing.

Trump, in a Fox News Channel interview last year, accused Comey of knowing "exactly what that meant."

"A child knows what that meant," Trump said. "If you're the FBI director and you don't know what that meant, that meant assassination. And it says it loud and clear."

 'There's an obsession there,' Comey says of Trump after 2nd indictment


Monday, July 27, 2026

The Worst Nuclear Deal in History

 

The billions of dollars the Saudi monarchy has gifted President Donald Trump’s family have paid off. Trump has caved to Saudi demands to provide the Kingdom precisely the nuclear technology he says is a grave threat in Iranian hands.

In a new agreement signed on Wednesday, Trump agreed to let the Saudis enrich uranium and reprocess plutonium, the two ingredients used in nuclear bombs. The Saudis promise this will be used only for peaceful purposes, but Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman said as far back as 2018 that “without a doubt if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we would follow suit as soon as possible.”

Trump’s generosity to Saudi Arabia — which has numerous lucrative deals in place with members of Trump’s family, particularly the $2 billion the Saudis invested in Jared Kushner’s private equity fund — could unleash a flood of new nuclear programs. If the Saudis get this technology, others will demand it, too.

How we got here:

Ever since the dawn of the Nuclear Age, U.S. policy has denied the ability to enrich uranium and reprocess plutonium to other nations because it is a shortcut to nuclear weapons. The huge and expensive facilities can be developed openly and legally until a government takes the quick jump from making nuclear reactor fuel rods to making the cores of bombs. With this deal, Trump has effectively just greenlit a Saudi nuclear bomb program. That is why, in 1946, the Congress passed the Atomic Energy Act, prohibiting the sale or transfer of nuclear weapons technology to any nation, including our allies.

Trump has effectively just greenlit a Saudi nuclear bomb program.

So, how did we get to the point where the United States in now willing to sell this technology to one of the most brutal dictatorships in the world? In 2013, the Saudis unveiled a plan to build as many as 16 civilian nuclear reactors. Nuclear reactor companies salivated at the prospect of contracts worth hundreds of billions of dollars.

But Saudi nuclear power reactors make little economic sense. Nuclear is the most expensive way to produce electricity, especially since Saudi Arabia sits on an ocean of oil and is ideally suited for much cheaper solar and wind energy production. 

“When it comes to power generation, it’s 10 times more expensive than solar power because they are blessed with an unbelievable amount of sunshine,” Princeton scholar Bernard Haykel told “PBS News Hour.” “So, frankly, if you’re looking to generate power to liberate more oil from electricity generation, it makes much more sense to use a combination of solar, wind and gas, natural gas.” Still, if they just wanted to waste their money on reactors, it wouldn’t be a problem. But they want more. Much more.

Centrifuges for fuel = centrifuges for bombs:

Saudi Arabia wants the entire nuclear fuel cycle. They want to make the fuel for the reactors, then reprocess the spent fuel rods when they are used up. The same centrifuges that spin uranium gas to enrich it to the low levels required for nuclear fuel can spin it to the high levels for the cores of nuclear bombs. The same reprocessing plants that can break down used fuel rods for waste disposal can separate out the reactor-produced plutonium in those rods for use in nuclear bombs.

With these plants, Saudi Arabia would have both pathways to the bomb. The Hiroshima atomic bomb was made of uranium; the Nagasaki bomb, plutonium. That is why there are strict controls on these fuel-cycle technologies. It is these controls that Prince Salman wants the U.S. to waive, including strict inspections. Trump has agreed, dependent on whether a U.S.-Saudi study determines an enrichment facility would be warranted.

Saudi Arabia wants the entire nuclear fuel cycle.

Most countries with nuclear reactors do not have such plants. They buy their fuel from the half-dozen or so countries and consortiums that make it. Given the enormous construction and operating costs, it doesn’t make economic sense for a country to produce its own fuel unless it has 20 or more reactors. Saudi Arabia doesn’t yet have one. But it wants an enrichment facility.

This is exactly the issue with Iran. The decades-long dispute has not been over the construction of an Iranian nuclear power reactor at Bushehr, but about Iran’s enrichment of uranium. Saudi Arabia wants to match that capability. To become a nuclear-threshold state. To have the capability to make the material for bombs should it decide to do so. Just like Iran.

The folly of thinking our allies can have nukes, but our foes cannot:

The Saudis want the U.S. to give it a looser deal than the one struck with its neighbor, the United Arab Emirates. In that case, the U.S., under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, established the “gold standard” for nuclear cooperation. The UAE promised that it would never enrich uranium or reprocess plutonium. The UAE now has an operating power reactor at the Barakah nuclear complex.

In capitulating to Saudi demands, Trump commits a profound strategic error: believing this technology can be trusted in the hands of friends while denied to foes. Even if the worst happens, he thinks it OK for his friends to have nuclear bombs. As a presidential candidate in 2016, Trump told CNN that Japan and South Korea should have their own nuclear weapons. Most pointedly, when asked if Saudi Arabia should get nuclear weapons, he responded: “Saudi Arabia, absolutely.”

But when regimes change, the technology remains. Iran’s path to nuclear capability began in the 1970s under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, when the Nixon administration approved his plans for dozens of nuclear power reactors and agreed that Iran could enrich uranium and even process plutonium.

The shah did not survive to implement his plans, and at first the Islamic Republic that replaced him rejected this “Western technology” but changed its mind during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, restarting the nuclear program, including secret efforts on bomb technology. 

Even if the Saudi monarchy does not build a bomb, will it still rule the nation in 20 years, when the nuclear plants are fully operational? Will militant jihadists rule, inheriting the bomb program Trump gifted his friend?

Nor is the risk just regime change. Israel, Pakistan, India and North Korea all secretly and illegally began their bomb programs using nuclear technology acquired for civilian use, in violation of numerous bilateral and global agreements prohibiting these nations from doing just that.

When regimes change, the technology remains.

Is this a done deal? Not necessarily. In 2023, when President Joe Biden tried for a “grand bargain” with Saudi Arabia that would have traded nuclear technology and advanced weaponry for recognition of Israel, liberals and conservatives united to eventually kill the deal.

Twenty senators wrote in opposition to the proposed Biden plan, and a politically diverse group of nuclear proliferation experts and former officials signed a letter organized by the right-leaning Foundation for Defense of Democracy (FDD), a strong proponent for war with Iran. “Riyadh does not need uranium enrichment to produce peaceful nuclear energy,” the letter argued, “Enrichment could bring Saudi Arabia to the brink of acquiring nuclear arms, and U.S. policy should prohibit it.”

And there’s opposition from the same circles to Trump’s even more generous deal. “A bad U.S. nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia is coming for congressional review,” wrote Andrea Stricker, deputy director and research fellow of the FDD’s Nonproliferation Program, on Wednesday. “Congress should block it. If it does not, one hopes the policy will be reversed by a subsequent administration before too much damage is done.”

Stricker is right. The outcry over the deal forced Trump to pledge on Thursday that the contracts would be conditioned on Saudi recognition of Israel — similar to Biden’s deal but now highly improbable given Israel’s destruction of Gaza and continued violence in the West Bank.

Does Trump even mean it? Or is it just something he said to get through the day and quell opposition until he can push the deal through. His Truth Social post contained another lie: that there would be no enrichment. Of course there will be enrichment. That is the whole point of the deal.

Trump’s tangle of lies, his deep ignorance of the deal he approved then walked back, his inability to even make a binding agreement (see the memo of understanding with Iran, the Gaza Peace Plan, the tariffs, etc.) may sink the pact. But don’t count on it. Saudi influence in Washington is powerful, particularly with Trump and his business partners who could profit handsomely from the deal. It will take an all-out effort to block what will be the worst nuclear deal in history.

Rooted in Truth. Independent by Design: Your support helps ensure that rigorous reporting, thoughtful analysis, and investigative journalism remain accessible to everyone. Support independent journalism.

SUPPORT TRUTHDIG