glen brown
A writer must “know and have an ever-present consciousness that this world is a world of fools and rogues… tormented with envy, consumed with vanity; selfish, false, cruel, cursed with illusions… He should free himself of all doctrines, theories, etiquettes, politics…” —Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914?). “The nobility of the writer's occupation lies in resisting oppression, thus in accepting isolation” —Albert Camus (1913-1960). “What are you gonna do” —Bertha Brown (1895-1987).
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Tuesday, March 31, 2026
Monday, March 30, 2026
"Trump is under the gun to end his misbegotten war"
The “deadline” for Iran to open the Strait of Hormuz or
face destruction of its power plants works like Donald Trump’s “concept of a
plan” on healthcare: it’s always two weeks away. Trump surprised no one with
his decision Friday to extend the deadline (the second such postponement) until
April 6. When that date arrives, Trump almost certainly will punt again. His
ever-moving deadline strategy (on healthcare, tariffs, war, etc.) has become
his predictable fallback when a pressure tactic (e.g., threats to bomb Iranian
power plants or impose tariffs) proves impossible, too expensive, or just
pointless.
The New York Times reported that the excuse Trump
gave this time was “what he claimed was progress in talks to end the war.”
There is no evidence that “talks,” direct or otherwise, have progressed. Savvy
observers, including traders on U.S. markets, which reached new lows, rolled
their eyes. Trump’s declaration that Iran is “begging” for a deal had all the
telltale signs of projection. Trump’s deployment of ground troops — without
congressional authorization or public support — suggests “talks” are not
progressing much, if at all.
The Iranians understand Trump much better than anyone in
the Trump regime (devoid of any Iranian experts) understands them. For decades,
Iran has prepared meticulously for what to do if a U.S. president was daft
enough to attack: Batten down the hatches, close the Strait of Hormuz, and fire
away at Israel and the Gulf allies. Only an ignorant narcissist like Trump
could be so willfully blind and ignorant enough to imagine he could wipe out an
Iranian regime — ensconced for 47 years in regional warfare — with a few weeks
of bombing.
Now, the Iranians can see that Trump is desperate to end
the war quickly. (They know enough that Trump’s lie that he “doesn’t care” if a deal is reached actually means he ‘really,
really wants a deal.’ The Iranians are watching U.S. financial markets, oil
prices, and even Trump’s approval polls. They follow U.S. media reports on
rumbling discontent in the MAGA movement. They therefore reasonably can
conclude that Trump can be snookered into a deal remarkably accommodating to
Iran.
Moreover, the Iranians may be in a stronger position than
they would have been under prior U.S. presidents, thanks to asymmetric warfare
(e.g., drones, cheaper missiles) that can readily inflict damage, depleting the
defenses of more expensive interceptors.
Evidence abounds that Israel and the U.S. are swiftly depleting their supply of interceptors. It’s a matter of math: Iranian drones can be quickly and cheaply replaced; their opponents’ defenses are extremely expensive and limited in number. Israel has already begun to ration interceptors, leading to more direct hits on Israeli towns.
On the U.S. side, the “military has fired more than 850 Tomahawk cruise missiles in four weeks of war with Iran, burning through the precision weapons at a rate that has alarmed some Pentagon officials and prompted internal discussions about how to make more available,” The Washington Post reports.
The U.S. military
is scrambling to find Tomahawks from other hot spots.
This is what happens when impulsive, ignorant men — intoxicated with blowing
things up — utterly bungle a war. “The dilemma has laid bare broader concerns in both the
Pentagon and Congress about the Trump administration’s war in Iran, its
shifting explanations for why the conflict is necessary, and the risks a
shortage could pose to the United States as it balances the potential for
future conflict in other parts of the world.”
In addition, Israel is coming up against manpower limitations. The Jerusalem Post reports: The IDF could soon collapse if there is no solution to the shortage of manpower, IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir warned in remarks during a security cabinet meeting held on Wednesday.
“I am raising 10 red flags before the IDF collapses into itself,” Zamir said during the
cabinet meeting…. IDF sources also told the Post that there is
tremendous concern due to the severe manpower shortage, especially amid the
ongoing war.
After 2 ½ years of wars on multiple fronts and the Haredi
conscription issue unresolved (i.e., approximately 66,000 ultra-religious men claim exemption from
service), the IDF’s chief of staff’s warning spurred opposition parties to
accuse Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of ignoring a looming disaster (a
reference to the October 7 debacle) that could amount to “a major security
crisis in the country.”
Thus, Trump is under the gun to end his misbegotten war —
not only to stave off public anger over gas prices, but to stop the ticking
clock counting down to the point at which Iran can penetrate defenses and
inflict substantial damage and casualties on depleted U.S. and Israeli forces
and munitions. In other words, time is on Iran’s side.
In addition to the limitation on the U.S. and Israel’s
ability to wage war indefinitely, another factor may convince the Iranians to
hold out for a very favorable deal: Trump’s ability to convince himself that an
embarrassing failure is actually a roaring success. Self-delusion makes him an
easy target for a lopsided deal when he hungers for the war’s end.
Trump’s predilection for self-deception may enable Iran
to pull off a diplomatic coup that offers him empty, unenforceable promises
(e.g., Iran won’t export terrorism, Iran won’t build a bomb) in exchange for
very tangible benefits (e.g., no Israeli or Gulf attack, lifting of sanctions).
Trump will trumpet Iran’s empty words (e.g., it has always denied it was
building a bomb) without acknowledging that the war achieved very little at a
huge cost.
Certainly, Iran has incentives to end the war. Its
devastating domestic damage greatly worsens its pre-existing infrastructure
problems (like insufficient water to sustain the population). The regime
remains, but it is shaken and diminished. And although widespread domestic
discontent may have gone to ground during the fighting, it remains a potent
threat. Iran, therefore, cannot be entirely intransigent; it too wants to move
on (if only to rebuild and sprint to the development of a bomb).
In sum, Trump did not get regime change or an
unconditional surrender. His lack of strategy gave Iran advantages (e.g.,
control of the Strait of Hormuz, asymmetric missile/drone capacity) that
neither he nor his yes men anticipated. He therefore flails about, desperately
trying to end this debacle without total humiliation. Thanks to the
considerable leverage Trump’s blunders have given them, the Iranians surely
expect to avoid Trump’s most draconian demands. They want the war to end, but
not at any price.
If only the U.S. had competent negotiators and a sane
president, a deal might be reached soon. We don’t. Tragically, more lives will
be lost, billions more spent before the war’s end.
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Sunday, March 29, 2026
"The nighttime attack resulted in the deaths of two people and injuries to 12 others, including a nine-year-old boy"
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(Photo by Nina Liashonok/Ukrinform/NurPhoto via Getty
Images)
Just Another Pathological Narcissistic Announcement
The U.S. Treasury announced Thursday that trump's
signature will appear on all new American paper currency, a first for any
sitting president in the nation's history. Starting with $100 bills in June,
his name will replace the Treasurer's signature for the first time since 1861,
erasing an unbroken 165-year tradition. That, apparently, was just another
thing standing between trump and a mirror.
It gets worse. A federal arts panel, stacked with trump
appointees, recently signed off on a 24-karat gold commemorative coin bearing
his image, timed to America's 250th birthday. Here's the kicker: the people who
spent years screaming about "trump derangement syndrome" have now
branded the nation's entire currency supply with one man's face and autograph,
which is about as deranged as it gets.
George Washington refused to appear on the first U.S.
silver dollar specifically because putting a leader's face on money is what
kings do. A member of the Citizens Coinage Advisory Committee said it plainly:
only nations ruled by kings or dictators put a sitting ruler's image on their
coins.
The administration calls this a patriotic tribute to the Semi-quincentennial. But trump has already plastered his name on the Kennedy Center, Navy battleships, and the U.S. Institute of Peace. The presidency, for trump, has always been less about governance and more about brand extension. The Founders warned us exactly what this would look like. Turns out they were right.
-The Other 98%
Saturday, March 28, 2026
No Kings Day
Let us continue to rebel against his autocratic abuse
of presidential power, his felonious behavior, his constitutional ignorance,
his obstruction of justice and concealment, his lawless
demagoguery, his pathological narcissism, his grandiose
delusions, his anti-social personality disorder, his malignant
arrogance, his moral relativism, his white nationalism, his perfidious
nationalism, his hateful racism, his infectious nihilism, his outrageous
iconoclasm, his ruthless competition, his puerile dereliction, his embarrassing
stupidity, his provocative transgressions, his mocking disrespect, his
impetuous vulgarity, his sexual predation; his belligerent intimidation, his
incessant lying, his conspiratorial gaslighting, his obsessive vindictiveness,
his hypocritical cowardice, his compulsive xenophobia, his callous misogyny,
his insufferable bigotry, his disgusting buffoonery, his histrionic rallying,
his sociopathic bullying, seditious behavior and dangerous fascism... .
-Glen Brown
Friday, March 27, 2026
Trump is "feeling 'bored' after starting a war that has killed thousands of people, created chaos across the Middle East, and raised prices for US consumers"
…In a social media post, Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) called the president “beyond
despicable” for feeling “bored” after starting a war that has killed thousands
of people, created chaos across the Middle East, and raised prices for US
consumers.
“Donald Trump is now ‘a little bored’ with his ‘little
excursion’ in Iran, as if war is nothing more than passing amusement to him,”
said Beyer. “War is not a game. It’s not a spectacle. It’s not something you
pick up and drop when it stops entertaining you.”
Beyer then highlighted the human costs of Trump’s war,
which he launched at 4 a.m. on a Saturday morning without any authorization
from Congress.
“Real people have paid the price of this war,” he wrote. “We’ve already lost 13 Americans killed in action,
with many more seriously wounded. Civilians have been killed throughout the
Middle East, including the US missile strike that killed more than 150
schoolchildren.”
Trump and allies such as Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC)
have signaled that after the US is finished with Iran, they
will next attempt to topple the government of Cuba, where the White House
has caused a catastrophic fuel shortage in recent weeks with its ramp-up of the
blockade that’s been in place for decades. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said
this month that “the embargo is tied to political change on the island.” […]
-Common Dreams
"The sense among ordinary Americans has been that the law does not apply to members of the ruling class in the way it does to everyone else"
Here’s a litmus test for Democratic presidential contenders in 2028: Where do they stand on elite impunity and bringing justice to lawbreaking Trump officials and the “Epstein class”?
Back in 2009, after nearly a decade of Republican misrule, there was a lot of talk about “accountability.” With the economy in shambles and the country embroiled in two quagmires, many were hopeful the Barack Obama administration would reverse George W. Bush policies and hold those responsible for the devastation accountable.
Writing for The Nation, attorney and Watergate-era
Congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman implored the new president to investigate the rife
“constitutional and criminal misbehavior” of his predecessor. “To fully restore
the rule of law and prevent any repetition of Bush’s misconduct,” she said,
“the abuses of his administration must be directly confronted.”
In The New York Times, prominent human rights attorney
Michael Ratner argued, “Unless government officials know that consequences
follow from such abuses, they will break the law again.” High-ranking members
of the president’s party in Congress similarly called for investigations and “truth commissions” to look into the many alleged
constitutional violations and human rights abuses that had been sanctioned by
senior Bush officials over the previous eight years.
Nothing ever came of these demands. Under the leadership of Attorney General Eric Holder, the Obama Department of Justice failed to criminally prosecute any of the high-level government officials involved in authorizing illegal torture and surveillance programs, just as it failed to prosecute a single Wall Street executive after the 2008 financial crisis.
Despite widespread demands for accountability, the Obama administration ultimately chose a posture of forgiveness and closure. Fast-forward almost a decade, and the folly of Obama’s “look forward” doctrine is unmistakable. By declining to pursue accountability more aggressively, the Obama administration did not close a dark chapter in American history; it simply left the door open for even more egregious abuses in the future. Just as many critics had warned at the time. Few imagined just how egregious those abuses would be, or how faithfully the next Republican president would embody George W. Bush’s worst instincts.
While the parallels between the Trump and Bush administrations have been evident for some time, President Donald Trump’s decision to launch a war with Iran earlier this month effectively cemented his place in history as the second coming of Bush. In “politics as well as policies,” observes Michael Lind in UnHerd, “the Trump administration increasingly looks like a continuation of the post-2000 Republican norm: pro-war, pro-business.”
The main difference between the two administrations is
not in policy or politics but in style. As Lind notes, Trump’s “bizarre and
abrasive style … couldn’t be more different than that of the Bush dynasty.” The
president and his top officials are also far more brazen and shameless in their
misconduct than the “Bushies” ever were.
Compare Bush’s defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, to the
self-styled secretary of war, Pete Hegseth. While Rumsfeld authorized war crimes behind closed doors and then denounced those crimes as “un-American” after they
were brought to light, the current defense secretary has openly endorsed war crimes in his public speeches, vowing to
show “no quarter” and “no mercy for our enemies.”
Hegseth hasn’t just advocated war crimes in his blustery
speeches. His alleged order to kill all survivors of the shipwrecked
boats struck by American drones in the Caribbean last year was a brazen violation of international and U.S. military
law. He also bears responsibility for the bombing of a school in Tehran that killed 175
civilians, most of them young girls.
As ProPublica reported, the secretary shut down a program to reduce
civilian harm last year as he made “lethality” the military’s top priority,
reorganizing national security around the principles of “more aggression” and
“less accountability.” The former Fox News host has deplored “stupid rules of
engagement” and called for “maximum lethality,” advising U.S. soldiers that
their job is to “kill people and break things.”
Hegseth has shown little concern about exposing himself
to legal risk by publicly endorsing and privately ordering war crimes. And why
should he? No senior U.S. official has ever been criminally prosecuted for war
crimes or human rights abuses, despite the large
body of evidence implicating past officials like Rumsfeld. The defense
secretary flaunts his lawlessness, confident that he will never face any kind
of consequences for his actions.
This sense of inviolability is evident across the entire
Trump administration — from the Pentagon to the Homeland Security Department to
the Justice Department — and ultimately reflects the president’s own belief that he is above the law.
The sheer scale of criminality and corruption on display in the U.S. government today
would have been inconceivable in an alternative timeline where powerful
government officials had actually faced repercussions for their actions. The
Obama administration’s unwillingness to prosecute the architects of the Bush‑era
abuses bred a dangerous moral hazard, much like the failure to punish
white-collar criminals for their role in the financial crisis.
Trump’s own evasion of accountability for his attempt to overturn the 2020 election continued this trend of injustice.
While the Biden administration
at least pursued criminal charges — a meaningful departure from the Obama
precedent — the case was ultimately doomed due to the apprehensions of main
justice and the “maddeningly slow” pace of the investigation. Under Attorney
General Merrick Garland, who waited nearly two years to appoint a special
counsel to investigate the former president, the DOJ approached the case with little sense of urgency and a
“wariness about appearing partisan.” As one commentator later observed, it was clear that Garland had “little
desire to investigate and potentially prosecute Trump.”
America’s accountability crisis has entered its
terminal phase, with the rule of law itself on life support.
Since Trump’s reelection, America’s accountability crisis
has entered its terminal phase, with the rule of law itself on life support.
While the Justice Department has been weaponized against the president’s foes, the
administration has further undermined any efforts to hold political and
economic elites — the so-called Epstein class — accountable (unless those
elites find themselves on the president’s enemies list, of course).
Trump himself has mounted a one-man assault on the rule
of law, employing his pardon power to further entrench elite impunity. Just one
year into his second term, he has already issued twice as
many individual pardons as Joe
Biden did throughout his entire four-year presidency, not including
his mass pardon of the Jan. 6 rioters.
The recipients of Trump’s pardons have mostly been
elites, whether corrupt politicians or white-collar fraudsters.
Altogether, over half of Trump’s second-term pardons have been for
white-collar crimes like money laundering, bank fraud and wire fraud. In just
one year, these pardons have wiped out as much as $2
billion in fines and restitution for victims.
One thing is clear at this point in Trump’s second term:
As long as the president and his circle remain convinced of their own impunity,
their abuses will grow more audacious. This makes it all the more urgent for
Democrats to show their real commitment to holding officials like Pete Hegseth
and Kristi Noem accountable this time around.
Last month, author Cory Doctorow proposed that congressional Democrats form a
“Nuremberg Caucus” to signal their seriousness about accountability. In
Doctorow’s conception, this caucus would maintain a public archive documenting
the full body of evidence for any future prosecutions of Trump officials: “Each
fresh outrage, each statement, each video-clip — whether of Trump officials or
of his shock-troops — could be neatly slotted in, given an exhibit number, and
annotated with the criminal and civil violations captured in the evidence,” Doctorow
wrote.
Ever since the 2008 financial crisis, the sense among
ordinary Americans has been that the law does not apply to members of the
ruling class in the way it does to everyone else. The Jeffrey Epstein
revelations have hardened that perception, with Trump standing as the most
recognizable face of this untouchable elite. Almost 20 years after Obama’s
ascent, the Democratic Party needs a new
kind of promise — not hope, but accountability.
-Conor Lynch, Truthdig






