‘They Have Chosen Not to Accept Our Terms,’ Vance Says”
and “U.S. Intelligence Shows China Taking A More Active Role In Iran War.”
They echo headlines from a century ago that reported
on the early days of what quickly became World War I.
In 2021, China and Iran became military allies, signing a “broad strategic partnership encompassing
economic, diplomatic, and security dimensions.” Russia signed a similar
comprehensive military/security agreement with Iran in January of
last year. The three countries are now military allies and formally assisting
each other. Hold that thought.
Then, yesterday morning, America’s resident madman
Donald Trump announced on his Nazi-infested social media site that the United
States Navy will illegally blockade the Strait of Hormuz — the narrow
chokepoint through which twenty percent of the world’s oil used to flow every day
— threatening to intercept “every vessel in International Waters” that’s paid a
toll to Iran.
The US blockade of the Strait begins the hour that I
publish this article, 10 AM ET on Monday, April 13th.
That means all the shipping of oil for China and drones
for Russia will be intercepted by the US. We’re now blocking the war and energy
supplies of nations that have nuclear weapons and whose military assets are
already in the region. And it came just hours after the peace talks in
Islamabad — led by three American grifters with absolutely no diplomatic
experience — had predictably collapsed.
What happens next will depend entirely on whether
anyone in this administration has ever seriously studied what happened the last
time a similar cascade of great-power commitments, cornered leaders, and
military miscalculations all converged at once.
A hundred and twelve years ago this summer, a young
Bosnian Serb named Gavrilo Princip fired two shots in Sarajevo, killing
Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary.
What followed was a deadly catastrophe, because every
major European power had spent the previous forty years putting together mutual
defense treaties with other major European powers.
(In the 1908 Bosnian Crisis Austria-Hungary
had annexed Bosnia, land that Serbia claimed; the Serbs were humiliated and
furious. The Balkan Wars of 1912-13 left Serbia stronger and
more willing to reach out to the Slavic people still living under
Austria-Hungarian rule, particularly those in Bosnia, further enraging the
Austria-Hungarians.)
Everybody was armed to the teeth and, frankly,
paranoid about everybody else. So, when Franz Ferdinand’s assassination gave
Austria-Hungary an excuse to punish it’s longtime enemy Serbia, those treaties
clicked into place like the tumblers of a massive combination lock and the
doors of hell swung open onto the most catastrophic war the world had, at that
time, ever seen.
Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. Russia, bound by
pan-Slavic solidarity and treaty, mobilized. Germany, allied with
Austria-Hungary and seeing the Russian mobilization, declared war on Russia.
The Franco-Russian alliance dragged France in.
Once the fighting started, Germany’s Schlieffen Plan
required invading France through neutral Belgium, which triggered Britain’s
1839 treaty obligation to protect Belgian neutrality.
Within six weeks of two pistol shots in Sarajevo,
virtually every major power in Europe was engaged in a brutal war that
escalated with the inevitability and power of a landslide. The leaders who set the whole machine in motion genuinely
believed they could control the escalation, but they were terribly and
tragically wrong. The interlocking agreements and past hostilities simply took
over, and seventeen million people died.
I’ve been thinking about Sarajevo a lot this week,
because what’s happening in the Strait of Hormuz right now follows the same
terrifying script, except that this time, the European, Middle Eastern, and
Asian powers that are being pulled toward what could easily become World War
III all have nuclear weapons.
Here’s how we got here:
Benjamin Netanyahu made six trips to the White House in the year before
the war began, each time pressing Trump and his old family friend Jared Kushner
with the argument that Iran was ripe for regime change, that the mullahs were
one good strike away from falling, and that history was calling.
What the New York Times’ reporting now makes clear —
and what Trump’s own CIA director and secretary of state reportedly called
“farcical” and “bullshit” in private — is that Netanyahu had an overwhelming
personal reason to want this war: he’s been fighting a fraud, bribery, and
breach-of-trust criminal trial that could put him in prison if he’s convicted.
Wars are good for embattled leaders: they can generate
emergency status and even pause court proceedings. And when this war started
on February 28th, Netanyahu’s trial did indeed grind to a halt under
Israel’s wartime court emergency rules, which had to be repeatedly extended.
The trial is only now, this week, resuming. (Trump, to help his fellow
authoritarian, has been publicly pressuring Israel’s president to pardon Netanyahu,
telling him to do it “today” and calling him a “disgrace” for hesitating.)
So Trump (himself facing a crisis from the Epstein
documents and accusations of raping a 13-year-old girl) and “Whiskey Pete”
Kegseth (who simply loves war) launched a bloody confrontation in which one of the key decision-makers’ primary motivation —
at least on the Israeli side — was to keep himself out of prison.
And forty-four days later, the man who should be in the
defendant’s chair is instead flying into southern Lebanon to pose with troops
(his popularity is now sky-high in Israel because of the war) while the
United States Navy blockades one of the most consequential waterways on the
planet.
Yesterday, Trump posted to his failing social media
site a declaration that may end up being seen, in retrospect, much like the
assassination of Archduke Ferdinand. He proclaimed that the Navy will begin
“BLOCKADING any and all Ships trying to enter, or leave, the Strait of Hormuz”
and will “seek and interdict every vessel in International Waters that has paid
a toll to Iran.”
That last sentence is the one that could rock the planet,
because, as the independent National Security Desk analysis makes clear,
Trump’s phrase “every vessel in International Waters” is a global directive.
It means the U.S. Navy now officially claims the legal right to board, search,
and seize foreign ships anywhere on the world’s oceans as well as the ships of
any nation trying to pass through the Strait.
Under international maritime law, that’s called
“piracy.” And here’s the other parallel to the tensions between Austria-Hungary
and Serbia back in the day: roughly 80 percent of China’s oil imports that transit the
Strait — that Trump just said he will “blockade” — are Chinese-owned or
Chinese-connected vessels.
— China already has a Type 055 cruiser, a Type 052D
destroyer, and a massive surveillance ship sitting right there in the region,
in the Gulf of Oman.
— Chinese satellites have been providing real-time targeting intelligence to
Iran throughout this war.
— Russia has been running electronic warfare systems that, according to
pre-war assessments, degrade American radar and communications by as much as 80
percent.
— Iran’s military has been successful in killing over a dozen American troops
and wounding hundreds — and downing multiple US military aircraft — because of targeting information Putin’s reportedly
been giving them.
These are active military contributions to the Iranian war effort right now.
So what happens when a U.S. destroyer orders a
Chinese-flagged tanker to heave to in the Strait of Hormuz and a Chinese
warship sails between them? Trump has to choose between backing down — and
watching the blockade collapse — or firing on the naval vessel of a country
with roughly 400 nuclear warheads.
And this isn’t a purely hypothetical scenario. China and
its leader Xi Jinping have made it abundantly clear that maintaining an
uninterrupted energy supply through the Strait is one of its core national
interests; it won’t simply steam away.
On the Russian side, Vladimir Putin is also not a man
who responds with moderation to being cornered. And he’s already in deep
trouble in his own country, as well as on his back foot in Ukraine.
The Atlantic Council and RAND have both documented that Putin’s domestic position is
more stressed than at any point since his brutal and criminal Ukraine invasion
began. Russia today faces runaway military spending consuming eight
percent of GDP, skyrocketing inflation, fuel shortages, and a society that
polls show has grown deeply tired of the war in Ukraine.
Analysts at the Royal United Services Institute
have concluded that Putin literally cannot afford to be
seen accepting strategic defeat, because the entire justification of his
authoritarian model rests on his promise to “restore Russian greatness” (Make
Russia Great Again). If he fails, he may not survive. Not just politically, but
physically; Russia has a long, ancient history of dealing harshly with failed
leaders.
Thus, a cornered, domestically vulnerable Putin with
6,000 nuclear weapons who is already actively helping Iran kill Americans isn’t
a guy who backs down gracefully. He’s a leader who escalates.
And to compound things, yesterday one of the
most important parts of the worldwide autocratic network Putin’s been building
for decades (including his support for Trump’s election and re-election)
collapsed.
In Hungary, where Viktor Orbán has spent sixteen years
building the model of “illiberal democracy” that Trump, Vance, and the Heritage
Foundation have openly cited as their template, voters turned out in the
highest numbers since the fall of communism — a stunning 78 percent — and
handed a decisive victory to opposition leader Péter Magyar and
his Tisza party.
Vice President Vance was just there last week, rallying
with Orbán, promising Trump’s “economic might” to help out Hungary (which is
suffering under years of corruption and looting by Orbán’s oligarch buddies) if
Fidesz held on. Today, that ally is soon to be gone (Magyar takes over in
May). The worldwide autocrat network, which is now largely led by Putin, Trump,
Orbán, and Netanyahu, is beginning to fracture at its European edge.
When great powers are simultaneously cornered along
with a smaller ally, when their leaders face domestic crises that demand the
appearance of strength, when interlocking military commitments are already
active and drawing them toward conflict, that’s when the world has historically
stumbled into catastrophes that nobody wanted and nobody planned.
In 1914, it took six weeks until the dogs of
all-out-war were fully unleashed. This time, we’re already forty-three days in,
and we have destroyers parked in a mined strait that China needs to stay alive
economically and Russia would love to see humiliate the United States and
Europe.
Louise and I have traveled the world extensively; I’ve
stood in the World War I cemeteries of France and Belgium, with row after row
of white crosses stretching to the horizon, and been stunned by the fact that
every one of those young men died in a war that the people who started it
genuinely believed they could control.
The lesson of WWI is that leaders who think they can
manage escalation usually can’t.
The time to speak up is right now, before the tumblers
click into place. Call your senators and representative (you can reach them
through the Capitol switchboard at (202) 224-3121) and tell them to
support the Democrats’ War Powers Resolution that could stop Trump
from going even farther down this treacherous, deadly,
possibly-planet-destroying road.
Congress must reassert its constitutional war-making
authority: under our Constitution, no president gets to blockade an
international waterway with a social media post, and the American people didn’t
vote for a nuclear confrontation with China and Russia over Benjamin
Netanyahu’s corruption trial. Trump must be impeached now.
-Thom Hartmann

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