Trump was not playing five-dimensional chess when he attacked Pope Leo for being “weak on crime” or when he posted a picture portraying himself as Jesus (subsequently taken down). Assuming a clever strategy behind objectively demented conduct is the equivalent of sane washing, that is, straining to attribute rational motives to someone behaving irrationally.
Trump is deeply unwell, becoming more so as he experiences serial
failures and finds his bully routine no longer works (on Iran, Europe, or the Pope).
As Peter Baker of the New York Times acknowledged
(more please!), the buzz about Trump’s mental stability has heated up of late: A
series of disjointed, hard-to-follow and sometimes-profane statements capped by
his “a whole civilization will die tonight” threat to wipe
Iran off the map last week and his head-spinning attack on the “WEAK on Crime, and terrible for Foreign Policy” pope
on Sunday night have left many with the impression of a deranged
autocrat mad with power.
Mr. Trump seems even less restrained and more incoherent
at times. He uses more profanity, speaks longer and regularly makes comments
rooted in fantasy rather than fact.
Pope Leo responded as one would expect of a religious
leader. On Monday, Pope Leo said, “The message of the church, the message
of the gospel — blessed are the peacemakers. I do not look at my role as being
political.” He continued: “I don’t want to get into a debate with him. I don’t
think the message of the gospel is meant to be abused in the way that some
people are doing.” Legacy media’s insistence on treating this like a game (the
two are “feuding”!) reveals their own superficiality, lack of insight into Pope
Leo, and aversion to taking Trump’s mental defects seriously.
Nevertheless, Pope Leo is as much a
problem for Trump as Pope John Paul II was for communist Poland. When a native
son (Leo of America, John Paul II of Poland) expresses affection for and
understanding of his countrymen in their native language during a time of the
oppressive rule, the Pope can form an emotional bond that rises above politics.
His message of faith, peace, and love reaches far beyond Catholic churches and
compels people to focus on matters and values more profound and compelling than
partisanship. A Pope in tune with his flock who promotes a values-based
worldview can illuminate an autocrat’s smallness, meanness, and desperation.
Pope John Paul II visits Poland in 1979
As Catholics recall nearly fifty years later, Pope John
Paul II’s visit to Poland in June 1979 helped ignite a movement that
would upend the communist regime. The Pope’s visit attracted 11 million people
(of a total 36M at the time) and “helped many Poles understand that they were
not alone in their rejection of the regime.” Put differently, John Paul II
helped Poles reconnect with their historic, religious, and patriotic roots,
helping them to recognize communism as a foreign, transitory, and corrosive
force. A year later, Solidarity formed in the Lenin Shipyards in Gdansk to
spearhead the anti-communist political movement.
The Polish example reminds us that autocrats resort to
bullying, violence, and fear because they cannot obtain people’s affection.
Through personal experience with a despotic regime, regular people (whether in
Poland in the 1980s or Hungary and the U.S. today) eventually recognize
the regime as exploitive, corrupt, and cruel.
Once unleashed, these forces can level tyrants who previously cultivated the aura of invincibility. Historian Anne Applebaum writes: Orbán’s loss brings to an end the assumption of inevitability that has pervaded the MAGA movement, as well as the belief—also present in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rhetoric—that illiberal parties are somehow destined not just to win but to hold power forever, because they have the support of the “real” people. As it turns out, history doesn’t work like that. “Real” people grow tired of their rulers. Old ideas become stale. Younger people question orthodoxy. Illiberalism leads to corruption. And if Orbán can lose, then his Russian and American admirers can lose too.
Popular movements grounded in stirring positive emotions
such as patriotism, love, and faith accelerate the demise of secular autocrats
who appear small, desperate, and superficial in comparison to religious
figures. When despots insult the faithful, matters go from bad to worse.
The now-infamous Trump-as-Jesus' image triggered an
instantaneous blowback from many in his white Christian base, compelling him to
take it down and confirming this was not some genius strategy. He wouldn’t,
however, apologize to the Vatican, showing where Catholics stand in the MAGA
hierarchy. (Only the most willing dupes bought his lame excuse that he thought
the image portrayed him as a doctor.) Rightwing commentators decried Trump’s
image as “blasphemy”, while regular Truth Social users also condemned
Trump’s sacrilegious image.
The White House assumes angered Christians will soon
forget the latest outrage, but at least for a moment, some MAGA Republicans
(especially Catholics) can recognize Trump is an unhinged narcissist exploiting
their religious beliefs. Perhaps rightwing Christians will become permanently
disaffected from Trump or stay home in November or even disengage from politics
entirely.
The democracy movement is not a religious community,
although faith motivates many in their opposition to ICE, racism, and neglect
of the poor. Nevertheless, the pro-democracy movement can and should stay
grounded in positive ideals — patriotism, decency, fairness, and empathy, [four ideals that Trump lacks].
Whether those values emanate from religious faith or
humanistic values, once people rediscover a sense of obligation to something
higher than themselves, they are more likely to lose fear of the regime, forge
a community with other inspired democracy defenders, challenge authority, and
view vulgar, crazed leaders as weak and transitory figures.
Democracy advocates should unabashedly denounce Trump in
moral terms. Launching a war of choice and threatening genocide is evil. Taking
away healthcare and food from the poor to enrich billionaires is wrong. Deporting
grandmothers and children are cruel.
When the argument becomes right vs. wrong rather
than right vs. left, an amoral, corrupt autocrat is cooked. A wide
coalition that can unite around simple propositions (e.g., freedom, decency,
fairness, peace, truth) can bring down a communist Polish regime, a fascist
Hungarian autocrat, or a mad [wannabe] king who rages at the Pope.
-Jennifer Rubin, The Contrarian is reader-supported.
To receive new posts, enable our work, help with litigation efforts, and keep
this opposition movement alive and engaged, please join the fight as a free or
paid subscriber.


No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.