In late 1936 George Orwell, like so many young idealists from Europe and
the USA, went off to fight fascism in Spain. By the spring of 1937 he realized
he was in a war with not two but three sides. The USSR was holding back a full
Spanish revolution while attacking the socialists and anarchists outside its
control.
Facing prison and possible execution himself, not from the fascists, but
the Soviet-allied forces, Orwell fled Spain. His immediate commander, Georges
Kopp, was imprisoned, and the leader of his militia unit, Andres Nin, was
tortured and assassinated by an agent of Stalin’s secret police.
Orwell would spend the rest of his life trying to clarify that in his
time the left meant both idealists committed to human rights, equality, and
justice and supporters of a Stalinism that was the antithesis of all those
things.
He wrote after he got back to England:
When I left Barcelona in June the jails were bulging… But the point to
notice is that the people who are in prison now are not Fascists but
revolutionaries; they are there not because their opinions are too much to the
Right, but because they are too much to the Left. And the people responsible
for putting them there are… the communists.
Some of the pro-Stalin left believed the sunny propaganda about the USSR
and some of them knew better but went with the Stalinist notion that you have
to break a few eggs to make an omelet, that the gulags and lies and mass
executions were the price of the ticket to some form of utopia that would soon
arrive after everything else had been quashed. There are similar rifts in the
left of our time, which is both obvious and seldom addressed outright.
What is the left? I wish I knew. When the Russian Federation invaded
Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the fact that some sector of what is supposed to
be the left excused, justified, or even rooted for the Putin regime was, among
other things, a reminder that “left” has long meant a grab bag full of
contradictions. Later came the “peace marches” that argued the US should
withdraw support and Ukraine should surrender.
Recent stories about these sectors of the left stumping for the Chinese
government and downplaying its human rights abuses are reminders that this is
an ongoing problem that takes many forms. I’ve seen genocide denial among this
left: excusing the Chinese
in the case of the Uyghur people, justifying the invasion and subjugation of
Tibet, denying the Holodomor—the Soviet genocide through induced famine in
1930s Ukraine—even whitewashing the
Pol Pot era in Cambodia, and siding with Assad as he wages a brutal war against
the Syrian people.
It should be a
modest request to ask that “left” not mean supporters of authoritarian regimes
soaked in their own people’s blood.
It should be a modest request to ask that “left” not mean supporters of
authoritarian regimes soaked in their own people’s blood. But the people and
groups and agendas grouped together as the left contain not just contradictions
but sworn enemies. Some of the loudest pro-Putin people are now clearly part of
the right; some continue to claim the mantle of the left, begging the question
of what the left is.
You could call this just a problem of nomenclature. Put that way, it
might seem like a small problem, but being unable to distinguish and describe
differences can be a large one. A few years ago I said to a man working for
Elizabeth Warren’s presidential campaign, at a point when he and the campaign
were dealing with a lot of attacks from people who considered themselves the
true left, “It’s as if we called fire and water by the same name.”
Perhaps the left/right terminology that originated with the French
Revolution has, more than two centuries later, outlived its appositeness. (In
the French National Assembly of 1789, the royalists members sat to the right,
the radicals to the left, and thus the terms were born.)
The left I love is passionately committed to universal human rights and
absolute equality and often is grounded in rights movements, including the
Black civil rights movement. I sometimes think of the current US version as a
latter-day version of Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition.
This rainbow left pitches a big tent and as such is often more welcoming
to, say, things like religion—after all, the Black church played a huge role in
that movement, Cesar Chavez and Dorothy Day were among the devout Catholic
radicals in American history, and Indigenous spirituality is central to many
land rights and climate campaigns—while many traditional leftists often scorn
organized religion.
I’d argue that because of its intersectional understanding of both
problems and solutions, this left is more radical—radically inclusive,
radically egalitarian—than those who treat race and gender as irrelevancies or
distractions (including the men, from Ralph Nader in 2000 on, who’ve been
dismissive of reproductive rights as an essential economic justice as well as
rights issue). Perhaps it’s seen as less radical because bellicosity is often
viewed as the measure of one’s radicalness.
Perhaps the
left/right terminology that originated with the French Revolution has, more
than two centuries later, outlived its appositeness.
Likewise, this rainbow left often has radical aims but is pragmatic about
how to realize them. This might be because it includes a lot of people for whom
social services and basic rights are crucial to survival, people who are used
to compromise, as in not getting what they want or getting it in increments
over time. All or nothing purity often means choosing the nothing that is hell
for the vulnerable and I-told-you-so for the comfortable.
That’s the Rainbow Coalition-ish left; the other left has some overlap in
its opposition to corporate capitalism and US militarism, but very different
operating principles. It often feels retrograde in its goals and its views,
including what I think of as economic fundamentalism, the idea that class
trumps all else (and often the nostalgic vision of the working class as manly
industrial labor rather than immigrants everywhere from nail salons to
app-driven delivery jobs to agricultural fields).
This other left is often so focused on the considerable sins of the
United States it overlooks or denies those of other nations, particularly those
in conflict with the USA, decrying imperialism at home but excusing it abroad
(and apparently seeing US aid to Ukraine through the lens of American invasions
of Iraq and Vietnam rather than the more relevant US role in the European
alliance against Germany and Italy in the Second World War).
It often embraces whatever regime or leader opposes the US, even when
that means siding with serious human rights abuses and inequalities, as if the
sins of the one erased or undid the sins of the other. It tends to rage against
Democrats more than Republicans.
This becomes the slippery slope down which some of the loud white men of
the last several years have slid to become explicit rather than implicit
defenders of the right. They often do so by attacking opponents of the right in
the name of some abstract principle that just happens to serve the right; thus
they can pretend they do not serve the Republican Party but find fault, again
and again, with everyone who opposes it.
The Putin regime’s invasion of Ukraine brought to the surface some of the
old conflicts in what the left is and should be. Not a few people claiming the
mantle of the left have been cheerleaders of Putin and Russia for some time.
Putin is, of course, an authoritarian, a petroleum-fueled oligarch who
might be the world’s richest man,
an obstacle to climate action, the leader of an international white Christian
nationalist revival, a vicious human rights abuser whose
domestic enemies have a habit of dying suddenly, a homophobe, misogynist and antisemite, and he’s
involved in an imperialist war to annex the sovereign nation of Ukraine. You
can’t get much further to the right.
This other left is
often so focused on the considerable sins of the United States it overlooks or
denies those of other nations.
But many in this version of the left insist that somehow the US forced
Russia’s hand, or it was all NATO’s fault and NATO was just a US puppet, and
Russia was somehow a victim acting in self-defense. Jan Smoleński and Jan Dutkiewicz were among the many
Eastern European critics who called this “westsplaining,” writing that though
these arguments are supposed to be anti-imperialist…
…[T]hey in fact perpetuate imperial wrongs when they continue to deny
non-Western countries and their citizens agency in geopolitics. Paradoxically,
the problem with American exceptionalism is that even those who challenge its
foundational tenets and heap scorn on American militarism often end up
recreating American exceptionalism by centering the United States in their
analyses of international relations.
Of course all this muddle about Russia is not new. Western leftists fell in love with Russia during the revolution from which the Soviet Union arose. Some—the anarchist Emma Goldman among them—became disillusioned early on, but for others, nothing could shake the devotion.
All through the history of the
USSR, it had its defenders in the west, when that meant denying the gulags, the
show trials and executions, the attempt to control everything everyone did and
said, the ethnic cleansing and cultural and sometimes literal genocide of many
non-Russian populations from Crimean Tatars to Siberian reindeer herders to
Muslim Kazakhs.
When it was an ally during the Second World War, the mainstream West
supported Stalin and the USSR (which of course then included Ukraine). This is
cited to their credit, often while overlooking the fact that Stalin had earlier
signed a non-aggression pact with the Nazi government, dividing up Eastern
Europe between the two.
While some of his peers who became disillusioned with communism and the
Stalinists shifted right, Orwell was loyal to the left and pushed back at
conservatives who tried to claim him and his books Animal Farm and Nineteen
Eighty-Four. But he was disturbed all his life by the conflicts and
contradictions of what left means.
I wonder now if the vicious persecution of leftists, communists,
socialists, and progressives by the postwar American right, made people avoid
analysis and statements that could weaken or divide their own side. That is,
had there been no McCarthyism, might the left itself have cleaned house and
clarified its positions? Might it have taken on the widespread mistake of
supporting Stalin and other authoritarians?
There’s no answer to that, because there was McCarthyism and it was
brutal. It left us with direct legacies, including what McCarthy’s righthand
man, Roy Cohn, taught his protégé Donald Trump about ruthlessness,
manipulation, lying, and winning at all costs. (One of the ironies of what I
call the left-wing men of the right was their constant claim that talk about
Russian intervention on behalf of Trump was McCarthyism, as if somehow
anticommunism had anything to do with the facts in the case or assessments of
the current government of Russia.)
But this lack of clarity about what the left is and what principles are
essential to it continue to create confusion and spread credit and blame
between two different camps. It’s an old conundrum but maybe the solution is as
simple as truth in labeling and clarity in categories.
-Literary Hub
Writer, historian, and activist Rebecca Solnit is the author of
twenty-five books on feminism, environmental and urban history, popular power,
social change and insurrection, wandering and walking, hope and catastrophe.
She co-edited the 2023 anthology Not Too Late: Changing the Climate
Story from Despair to Possibility. Her other books include Orwell’s
Roses; Recollections of My Nonexistence; Hope in the Dark; Men Explain Things
to Me; A Paradise Built in Hell: The Extraordinary Communities that Arise in
Disaster; and A Field Guide to Getting Lost. A product of
the California public education system from kindergarten to graduate school,
she writes regularly for the Guardian, serves on the board of the
climate group Oil Change International, and in 2022 launched the climate
project Not Too Late (nottoolateclimate.com).
Source URL: https://portside.org/2024-03-01/what-left
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