Thursday, June 4, 2020

"Does the president have the authority to send the military into American cities?" by Professor Jennifer Selin

“After a week of both peaceful protests and violent chaos in the wake of George Floyd’s death, President Donald Trump announced, ‘If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents, then I will deploy the United States military and quickly solve the problem for them.’

“Is Trump’s warning just bluster? Does the president have the authority to send the military into American cities? The answer to this question involves a web of legal provisions that help define the president’s constitutional roles as commander in chief and chief executive of the country and that simultaneously try to balance presidential power with the power of state leaders.
‘Protect states in times of violence’
“Tracing back to the Magna Carta, the British charter of liberty signed in 1215, there is a longstanding tradition against military involvement in civilian affairs. However, the U.S. Constitution guarantees that the national government will protect the states in times of violence and permits Congress to enact laws that enable the military to aid in carrying out the law.
Almost immediately after the Constitution’s enactment in 1787, Congress passed a law that allowed the president to use the military to respond to a series of citizen rebellions. Troops serving as what’s called ‘posse comitatus,’ which translates roughly to ‘attendants with the capacity to act,’ could be called to suppress insurrections and help carry out federal laws. Following the Civil War, the national government used troops in this capacity to aid in Reconstruction efforts, particularly in states that had been part of the Confederacy.
“The use of troops in this manner may even have influenced the outcome of the 1876 presidential election of Republican Rutherford B. Hayes. That happened when, in return for agreeing to withdraw federal troops from the South, Democrats informally agreed to the election of Hayes when the disputed election was thrown to a congressional commission. Two years later, Hayes signed into law the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibited the use of the military in civilian matters.
“The Posse Comitatus Act has not changed much since that time. The law prohibits the use of the military in civilian matters but, over time, Congress has passed at least 26 exemptions to the act that allow the president to send troops into states. The exemptions range from providing military personnel to protect national parks to helping states in carrying out state quarantine and health laws.
Insurrection Act
“What exemption would President Trump use if he wants to send the military to one or more states? He would likely rely on the Insurrection Act, which governs certain circumstances when the president can use the military. Signed by Thomas Jefferson in 1807, Congress originally passed the law in order to help fight citizen rebellions against federal taxes.
“Over time, the law has evolved to allow the use of troops in other circumstances. For example, Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson used the Insurrection Act in the 1950s and 1960s to send the military to enforce court desegregation orders and to protect civil rights marchers. It was last invoked by President George H.W. Bush in 1992, when he ordered 4,500 troops to Los Angeles after rioting erupted in response to the acquittal of police officers charged with beating Rodney King.
“The Insurrection Act says that the president may use the armed forces to subdue an insurrection or rebellion and take such measures as he considers necessary to suppress violence. But before doing so, he must issue a proclamation ordering insurgents to disperse and return to their homes.
“While state governors and legislatures also have the legal authority to ask the president to use troops in this manner, none have done that during this period of unrest. The states have preferred to rely on a combination of local law enforcement and the National Guard, which is under state command, not federal.
“Not only does this strategy enable governors to maintain authority over their states’ responses to the clashes in the wake of George Floyd’s death, but it also keeps things more straightforward legally and politically.
Authority uncertain
“Reliance on the Insurrection Act raises a host of political and practical questions about who is in charge when the military sends troops into a state. For example, despite the fact that the act was invoked in response to the Rodney King riots, the military actually was not used as directed. The Joint Task Force Commander in control of the mission appears to have been confused regarding how the Insurrection Act worked alongside the provisions of the Posse Comitatus Act. He issued an order prohibiting troops from directly supporting law enforcement and that led to numerous denials of requests for assistance.
“Questions about the federal government’s authority in the wake of the 2005 Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana raised similar concerns. The administration of President George W. Bush determined that it had authority under the Insurrection Act to send federal troops to the area, despite the fact that Louisiana’s governor was opposed to military assistance.
“For political reasons, President Bush did not end up deploying troops but, in 2006, Congress amended the law to address concerns that the military was unable to provide effective assistance to states in emergency situations. The amendment was later repealed when all 50 state governors raised objections to what they perceived as a grant of unilateral power to the president.
“These examples suggest a real difficulty balancing governmental responses to domestic crises. States need the flexibility and authority to respond as they see fit to the needs of their citizens. But the federal government can and often does serve as a supplemental resource. As the events of the past week illustrate, striking an effective balance is rarely a straightforward thing” ("Can the president really order the military to occupy U.S. cities and states?" by Jennifer Selin, Professor of Constitutional Democracy at the University of Missouri-Columbia, The Conversation).


Wednesday, June 3, 2020

"Those who think our unhinged president’s recent mania about a murder two decades ago that never happened represents his moral nadir have missed the lesson of his life" -George Will


“This unraveling presidency began with the Crybaby-in-Chief banging his spoon on his highchair tray to protest a photograph — a photograph — showing that his inauguration crowd the day before had been smaller than the one four years previous. Since then, this weak person’s idea of a strong person, this chest-pounding advertisement of his own gnawing insecurities, this low-rent Lear raging on his Twitter-heath has proven that the phrase malignant buffoon is not an oxymoron.

“Presidents, exploiting modern communications technologies and abetted today by journalists preening as the ‘resistance’ — like members of the French Resistance 1940-1944, minus the bravery — can set the tone of American society, which is regrettably soft wax on which presidents leave their marks. The president’s provocations — his coarsening of public discourse that lowers the threshold for acting out by people as mentally crippled as he — do not excuse the violent few. They must be punished. He must be removed.

“Social causation is difficult to demonstrate, particularly between one person’s words and other persons’ deeds. However: The person voters hired in 2016 to ‘take care that the laws be faithfully executed’ stood on July 28, 2017, in front of uniformed police and urged them ‘please don’t be too nice’ when handling suspected offenders. His hope was fulfilled for 8 minutes and 46 seconds on Minneapolis pavement.

“What Daniel Patrick Moynihan termed ‘defining deviancy down’ now defines American politics. In 2016, voters were presented an unprecedentedly unpalatable choice: Never had both major parties offered nominees with higher disapproval than approval numbers. Voters chose what they wagered would be the lesser blight. Now, however, they have watched him govern for 40 months and more than 40 percent — slightly less than the percentage that voted for him — approve of his sordid conduct.

“Presidents seeking reelection bask in chants of ‘Four more years!’ This year, however, most Americans — perhaps because they are, as the president predicted, weary from all the winning — might flinch: Four more years of this? The taste of ashes, metaphorical and now literal, dampens enthusiasm.

“The nation’s downward spiral into acrimony and sporadic anarchy has had many causes much larger than the small man who is the great exacerbator of them. Most of the causes predate his presidency, and most will survive its January terminus. The measures necessary for restoration of national equilibrium are many and will be protracted far beyond his removal. One such measure must be the removal of those in Congress who, unlike the sycophantic mediocrities who cosset him in the White House, will not disappear ‘magically,’ as Eric Trump said the coronavirus would. Voters must dispatch his congressional enablers, especially the senators who still gambol around his ankles with a canine hunger for petting.

“In life’s unforgiving arithmetic, we are the sum of our choices. Congressional Republicans have made theirs for more than 1,200 days. We cannot know all the measures necessary to restore the nation’s domestic health and international standing, but we know the first step: Senate Republicans must be routed, as condign punishment for their Vichyite collaboration, leaving the Republican remnant to wonder: Was it sensible to sacrifice dignity, such as it ever was, and to shed principles, if convictions so easily jettisoned could be dignified as principles, for . . . what? Praying people should pray, and all others should hope: May I never crave anything as much as these people crave membership in the world’s most risible deliberative body.

“A political party’s primary function is to bestow its imprimatur on candidates, thereby proclaiming: This is who we are. In 2016, the Republican Party gave its principal nomination to a vulgarian and then toiled to elect him. And to stock Congress with invertebrates whose unswerving abjectness has enabled his institutional vandalism, who have voiced no serious objections to his Niagara of lies, and whom T.S. Eliot anticipated:

We are the hollow men . . .
Our dried voices, when
We whisper together
Are quiet and meaningless
As wind in dry grass
or rats’ feet over broken glass . . .

“Those who think our unhinged president’s recent mania about a murder two decades ago that never happened represents his moral nadir have missed the lesson of his life: There is no such thing as rock bottom. So, assume that the worst is yet to come. Which implicates national security: Abroad, anti-Americanism sleeps lightly when it sleeps at all, and it is wide-awake as decent people judge our nation’s health by the character of those to whom power is entrusted. Watching, too, are indecent people in Beijing and Moscow” (“Trump Must Be Removed. So Must His Congressional Enablers” by George Will, Washington Post).


Excerpts from Joe Biden's Address to the Nation in Philadelphia, June 2, 2020



"...'I can’t breathe. I can’t breathe.' [These were] George Floyd’s last words, but they didn’t die with him. They’re still being heard echoing all across this nation. They speak to a nation, where too often just the color of your skin puts your life at risk. They speak to a nation where more than 100,000 people have lost their lives to the virus, and 40 million have filed for unemployment, with the disproportionate number of those deaths... concentrated in black and Brown communities. And they speak to a nation where every day millions of people... are saying to themselves: 'I can’t breathe.'

"It’s a wake-up call to our nation... Our country is crying out for leadership, leadership that can unite us, leadership that brings us together, leadership that can recognize pain and deep grief of communities that have had a knee on their neck for a long time.

"There’s no place for violence; [there is] no place for looting or destroying property or burning churches or destroying businesses. Many of them built by the very people of color who, for the first time in their lives, were beginning to realize their dreams...; nor is it acceptable for our police sworn to protect and serve all people to escalate tension and resort to excessive violence.

"We need to distinguish between legitimate, peaceful protest and opportunistic violent destruction. We have to be vigilant about the violence that’s being done by this incumbent president to our economy and to the pursuit of justice...

"This is a nation of values. Our freedom to speak is a cherished knowledge that lives inside every American... We’re not allowing any president to quiet our voice. We won’t let those who see this as an opportunity to sow chaos, throw up a smoke screen, to distract us from real legitimate grievances at the heart of these protests. We can’t, we can’t leave this moment, we can’t leave this moment thinking that we can once again turn away and do nothing. We can’t do that this time. We just can’t. The moment has come for our nation to deal with systemic racism, to deal with the growing economic inequity that exists in our nation, to deal with the denial of the promise of this nation made to so many...

"Today in America is hard to keep faith that justice is at hand. I know that; you know that. Pain is raw. The pain is real. The president of United States must be part of the solution, not the problem, but this president today is part of the problem and accelerates it. When he twitted the words, 'When the looting starts, the shooting starts,' they weren’t the words of the president, they were words of a racist Miami police chief in the 60's. When he tweeted that 'Protesters would have been greeted with the most vicious dogs, when people would have been really hurt.' They weren’t the words of a president. They were the kind of words Bull Connor would have used unleashing his dogs on innocent women and children.

"The American story is a story about action and reaction. That’s what actually works. We can’t be naive about it. I wish I could say that hate began with Donald Trump and will end with him. It didn’t, and it won’t. American history isn’t a fairy tale with a guaranteed happy ending. The battle for the soul of this nation has been a constant push and pull for more than 240 years, a tug of war between the American ideal that we’re all created equal, and the harsh reality that racism has long torn us apart. The honest truth is that both elements are part the American character, both elements. At our best, the American ideal wins out. But it’s never a route, it’s always a fight and the battle is never fully won. But we can’t ignore the truth that we’re at our best when we open our hearts rather than to clench our fist.

"Donald Trump has turned this country into battlefield of old resentments and fresh fears. He thinks division helps him. His narcissism has become more important than the nation’s well being that he leads. I ask every American, I mean this from the bottom of my heart: ask every American, look at where we are now... Is this who we are? Is this who we want to be? Is this what we want to pass onto our children and our grandchildren: fear, anger, and finger pointing rather than the pursuit of happiness? Incompetence and anxiety, self-absorption, selfishness? Or do we want to be the America we know we can be? The America we know in our hearts we could be and should be.

"Look, I look at the presidency as a very big job, and nobody will get it right every time. I won’t either, but I promise you this, I won’t traffic in fear and division. I won’t fan the flames of hate. I’ll seek to heal the racial wounds that have long plagued this country and not use them for political gain. I’ll do my job, and I will take responsibility. I won’t blame others. I’ll never forget... I promise you. This job is not about me. It’s about you; it’s about us...

"My fellow Americans, we’re facing formidable enemies. They include not only the coronavirus and its terrible impact on our lives and livelihoods, but also the selfishness and fear that have loomed over our national life for the last three years... Defeating those enemies requires us to do our duty, and that duty includes remembering who we should be... We should be the America of FDR and Eisenhower, of Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. ...We should be the America that cherishes life, liberty, and courage and, above all, we should be the America that cherishes each other...

"We’re a nation in pain. We must not let our pain destroy us. We’re a nation enraged. We cannot let our rage consume us. We’re a nation that’s exhausted, but we will not allow our exhaustion to defeat us. As president, it is my commitment to all of you to lead... and to listen... When we stand together finally as one America, we will rise stronger than we were before... This is the United States of America. There’s never been anything we’ve been unable to do when we set our mind to do it, and we’ve done it together... 
May God bless you all... Thank you."

-Joe Biden, Philadelphia, June 2, 2020



Tuesday, June 2, 2020

America Must Listen to Its Wounds: “They Will Tell Us Where to Look for Hope” by Rev. William J. Barber

No one wants to see their community burn. But the fires burning in Minneapolis, just like the fire burning in the spirits of so many marginalized Americans today, are a natural response to the trauma black communities have experienced, generation after generation.
No one wants the fires – even activists on the ground have said this. But they have also shared how their non-violent pleas and protests have gone unnoticed for years as the situation has gotten out of hand. No one knows who and what is behind the violence, but we do know that countless activists, grassroots leaders and preachers were screaming non-violently long before now: “Change, America! Change, Minneapolis!” Rather than listen, many of those in power saw even their non-violent protest as an unwelcome development.
"If we take time to listen to this nation’s wounds, they tell us where to look for hope."
This is so often the case because many Americans struggle to imagine that our government’s policies and its long train of abuses demand radical transformation. Too many want to believe racism is merely caused by a few bad actors. We often turn racism into a spectacle, only considering the cruel legacy of racism when an egregious action escalates outrage to this level.
Black Americans have rarely been able to sustain such illusions. Deadly racism is always with us, and not only through police brutality. In the midst of the current pandemic we are painfully aware that our families bear a disproportionate burden of Covid-19 deaths. In some cities where racial data is available, we know that black people are six times as likely to die from the virus as their white counterparts. Even before Covid, large numbers of black Americans died because of the racial disparities in healthcare, which are systemic and not unintentional.
African Americans are three times more likely to die from particulate air pollution than our fellow Americans. The percentage of black children suffering from asthma is nearly double that of white people, and the death rate is 10 times higher. This is but a reflection of the fissures of inequality that run through every institution in our public life, where the black wealth gap, education gap and healthcare gap have persisted despite the civil rights movement, legal desegregation and symbolic affirmative action. We understand that the same mentality that will accept and defend the violence of armed officers against unarmed black people will also send black, brown and poor people into harm’s way during a pandemic in the name of “liberty” and “the economy”.
Many have cited Dr King to remind Americans that a riot is the language of the unheard. But I have been reflecting on the eulogy he offered when another man – a white man who came to Selma, Alabama, to work for voting rights—was brutally murdered by racist violence in 1965. At the funeral for James Reed, Dr King said it is not enough to ask who killed the victim in a case like the murder of George Floyd. Weak and unacceptable charges have been brought against the officer whose knee choked George Floyd, staying on his neck for three minutes after he went unconscious, but no charges have been filed against the other officers who stood by and watched. Even still, dealing with who did the killing is not all that justice demands. Dr King said the question is not only who killed him, but also what killed him?
The systemic racism that killed George Floyd has taken untold souls from us for over 400 years. And it is killing the very possibility of American democracy today. I join those screaming that this is all screwed up, and it’s been screwed up far too long. But we are not screwed as long we have the consciousness and humanity to know what is right and wrong.
Those of us who have faced the lethal force of systemic racism have also learned something else in the American story. We can be wounded healers. We don’t have to be arbitrarily destructive. We can be determined to never accept the destruction of our bodies and dreams by any police, person or policy. We have learned that there is a force more powerful. When hands that once picked cotton have joined together with white hands and Native hands, brown hands and Asian hands, we have been able to fundamentally reconstruct this democracy. Slavery was abolished. Women did gain the right to vote. Labor did win a 40-hour work week and a minimum wage. The civil rights movement in the face of lynching and shooting did expand voting rights to African Americans.
If we take time to listen to this nation’s wounds, they tell us where to look for hope. The hope is in the mourning and the screams, which make us want to rush from this place. There is a sense in which right now we must refuse to be comforted too quickly. Only if these screams and tears and protests shake the very conscience of this nation –and until there is real political and judicial repentance—can we hope for a better society on the other side of this. 

-Rev. William J. Barber



Trump Has Peaceful Protesters Tear-Gassed and Shot with Flash Grenades and Rubber Bullets So He Could Have a Photo-Op at a Closed Church



















“…Trump's anger at criticism for sheltering in a bunker during protests outside the White House spurred him to stage a controversial photo-op outside a church damaged in the protests [the day before] according to reports. In order for the media moment to take place [the following] evening, peaceful demonstrators in Lafayette Square were dispersed by police with tear gas, flash grenades, and rubber bullets to clear the way for [him]…” -Business Insider.

















“…Escalating an already tense situation, Trump, speaking  to the press at the White House Rose Garden, said he would be invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807, which  he says would allow him to deploy troops anywhere across the nation. It would be the first time the Insurrection Act had been invoked in more than 200 years.
“Calling himself the ‘president of law and order,’ Trump declared: ‘We cannot allow the righteous cries of peaceful protesters to be drowned out by an angry mob… I am mobilizing all available federal resources, civilian and military, to stop rioting and looting, to end the destruction… If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents, then I will deploy the United States military and quickly solve the problem for them… As we speak, I am dispatching thousands and thousands of heavily armed soldiers, military personnel, and law enforcement officers to stop the rioting, looting, vandalism, assaults, and the wanton destruction of property. We will end it now.’
“After making his remarks at the White House Rose Garden, Trump left the White House on foot, walking across Lafayette Park to St John’s Episcopal church, only a short distance away. Once at the church Trump posed with a Bible for photographers. It was, to say the least, surreal” (Patheos).


Monday, June 1, 2020

“Out of Control: Taking Liberties with Autonomy During a Pandemic” by Alfie Kohn



“Warren Buffett famously commented that when the tide goes out, we can finally see who has been swimming naked. By the same token, when a pandemic arrives, we are confronted with a vivid display of just what kind of society we’ve really had all along:
“We see the implications of having lacked a robust public health system or national health care. We truly understand the impact of extreme economic inequality: Even many in the middle-class have been skating close to the edge, just a paycheck or two away from penury. And we get a really good look at our culture’s belief systems: the virtually theological devotion to the free market and abhorrence of the public sector, the tendency to worship individual ‘liberty’ and slight the common good.
“From a worldwide perspective, the United States is an outlier in its fixation on self-sufficiency. Our ethical code seems to begin and end with noninterference and personal choice. Our suspicion of collective enterprises was apparent to Tocqueville nearly two hundred years ago. Our popular entertainments celebrate heroes acting independently rather than interdependently.
“In contrast even with other Western societies, America is defined by an absence of commitment to shared values and to the value of what is shared. We are divided from each other, cast back upon ourselves to the point that it is profoundly unsettling to acknowledge our alienation. Yet we insist this is not a predicament but a choice, evidence not of crisis but of an advanced set of values.
“This is the context in which to make sense of today’s protesters who angrily demand the right to shop and socialize as they please — even as thousands of people continue to die from a spreading virus. Most people tell pollsters they understand the importance of maintaining social distance until it’s safe to resume our lives. But the protesters are a reflection, albeit the sort glimpsed in a fun-house mirror, of our society’s entrenched individualism — much as Donald Trump’s desperate need to triumph over other people represents an exaggerated version of the American worship of winning.
“What matters most in this country is each person’s freedom to do whatever he wants whenever he wants; this tends to trump community and concern for the welfare of others. As one commentator recently observed, our insistence on ‘freedom from,’ rather than ‘freedom to,’ makes Americans look preposterous and pathological to people around the globe.
“What is not preposterous or pathological, however, is a desire to experience ourselves as self-determining agents who have a meaningful impact on the things that affect us. In fact, that’s what psychologists affiliated with self-determination theory, a framework for understanding motivation,1 identify as ‘autonomy,’ one of three fundamental human needs. (The others are relatedness [connection to others] and competence [a sense of efficacy as we find or create answers to personally significant questions].)
“When, as one early researcher put it, we feel like ‘pawns’ rather than ‘origins’ in our lives, our psychological — and even physical — health is likely to suffer. Thus, the anxiety and depression that many people are reporting these days result not only from financial insecurity, fear of illness, and isolation, but also from our powerlessness over the circumstances in which we find ourselves. And if we’re parents, that powerlessness can affect how we treat our children.2
“Autonomous people experience their actions as authentic, integrated, willingly enacted. But that doesn’t mean they see themselves as separate from others or in opposition to the larger culture. This critical but often-overlooked distinction helps us to make sense of the finding that a need for autonomy is experienced even by people in collectivist societies.3 Selfish individualism, by contrast, is not an ineluctable feature of ‘human nature.’ Rather, it represents a corruption of our need to have some say over what happens to us.
“In fact, when people are raised without support for their autonomy — overcontrolled by parents and teachers — two things may happen. They may, upon growing up and finding themselves in positions of authority, try to deny others their autonomy.4 And they may insist on a warped version of self-determination that looks more like selfishness.
“If they have grown up feeling powerless, they might come to rage against any person who tells them no. They might see any restriction on their personal freedom, even to benefit a larger community, as tantamount to ‘tyranny.’ They might insist that their convenience takes precedence over other people’s immune-compromised vulnerability.5 ‘The hell with their safety; I want to go bowling and get a haircut right now!’
“And, sadly, they won’t be alone. Elsewhere, their behavior would likely be condemned as infantile and depraved. But it may attract likes and views and retweets in a country with a history of privileging libertarian self-interest and individual financial gain over social connection and collective well-being. Hence a recent Onion headline: ‘Dr. Fauci Warns of Needless Suffering and Death If America Allowed to Continue.’

                                                         *           
“If our first challenge is to distinguish between autonomy and selfish individualism, our second is to figure out how to negotiate a depressing situation where we feel powerless for good reason. As I write this, in May 2020, more than a third of a million deaths6 have been officially attributed to Covid-19, and experts tell us the actual number is far higher. This creates a temptation to displace our anxiety by blaming the officials and scientists who are trying to protect us.
“More generally, during prolonged crises, psychiatrist Sim King says people ‘feel torn between wanting to resist their new reality [and adapting] to it. They may torment themselves trying to preserve normalcy [and] counting down the days to its return — as many are now.’
“Or, alternatively, they may come to accept their lack of control, make plans only provisionally (resigned to the possibility that expectations will be shattered), and just live in the moment. The latter posture — making one’s peace with what seems to be beyond one’s control — sounds adaptive and wise. But it also calls to mind the reaction that Martin Seligman famously called ‘learned helplessness’: Once we conclude that nothing we do matters, we give up and lapse into self-defeating depression.
“Remember Sisyphus, condemned for all eternity to muscle his rock up the mountain only to have it slip from his grasp and roll back down so he must begin again? In Camus’ reimagining of that myth, Sisyphus’s challenge — and his triumph — consists of facing the absurd futility of his plight rather than clinging to the hope that either his endless futile labor would end at some point or that it wasn’t actually futile after all. He understood that it contained no hidden meaning and would yield no satisfying resolution. And in this sense, the ‘absence of hope… has nothing to do with despair,’ Camus argued; rather, it bespeaks ‘alert awareness’ and a refusal to lie to oneself.
“Camus’s essay focused on what he called metaphysical rebellion. It wasn’t about taking a stand against a political foe or an oppressive institution where success was possible. The Sisyphean situation he had in mind was the human condition itself: the finality of death and the awful truth that all meanings and values are humanly created and therefore fallible, much as we might want to believe otherwise (out of desperation, not evidence). Still, Camus’s point also pertains to certain realities within our lives: the importance of seeing clearly and rejecting facile invocations of ‘hope.’
“Think about it this way: The word accept has two very different meanings. It can refer either to acknowledging that something is true or to endorsing it as desirable. Camus is reminding us that we need to ‘accept’ unpleasant realities in the first sense (resisting the urge to wish them away) but not in the second sense (because we should never stop being outraged by what is outrageous).7
“During this devastating pandemic, we need to somehow steer a course between denial, on the one hand, and passivity, on the other — or at least figure out how to make sure that a sense of helplessness doesn’t spill into other parts of our lives. That starts with a commitment to Camus’s ‘alert awareness’: doing our best to accurately understand where things stand and what can be reasonably expected rather than allowing our vision to be distorted by despair…. or by hope.8 
“And perhaps we then move on to collective effort — political activism — in response to avoidable deaths. To do so is to follow the evolution of Camus’s own thinking, from the lone rebel of The Myth of Sisyphus to what he later described (in The Plague and his lengthy nonfiction essay The Rebel) as participation in a community, taking action with and for others against an implacable foe.
“Freedom is about empowering us, fulfilling our (not just my) need for autonomy. To be sure, it is clearly an uphill struggle to feel a sense of control at a time like this. But at least we can take care not to confuse that concept with either selfishness or self-deception.”

NOTES
1. Even as you read this, SDT is serving as the basis for new research to help make sense of how people function in a pandemic.
2. SDT-affiliated researchers have shown (in a 2019 Belgian study) that when parents feel “pressured, inadequate, and isolated,” they have less energy for their child and are more likely to “impose their own agenda on their child” rather than supporting his or her autonomy. And a 2020 Canadian study demonstrated that “when parents perceive threats in their children’s current and future environment, they can feel pressured to become involved with their children in a more controlling way,” which “can negatively affect children’s motivation.”
3. A 2018 review of three dozen studies confirmed that the correlation between autonomy and happiness is just as strong in the East as in the West; earlier research, meanwhile, showed that being pressured or controlled “frustrates individuals’ universal need for volitional functioning” — and that was no less true in non-Western societies.
4. Researchers have discovered that “individuals who are unsure of their own power, when placed in a position of nominal authority, are the ones who are most likely to rely on coercive control tactics” (Daphne Blunt Bugental et al., “Who’s the Boss?”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 72 [1997], p. 1298).
5. I don’t mean to suggest that this is all that’s going on now. Protests against shutdowns and social-distancing orders are motivated by more than an individualism and selfishness. On the one hand, there are strong currents of understandable fear and financial desperation. On the other hand, these public demonstrations also have ugly crosscurrents of racism, demands for unrestricted access to guns, and far-right conspiratorial fantasies. Featuring overwhelmingly white crowds, they began right around the time that it became clear those succumbing to the virus are disproportionately people of color.
6. I think it’s important to keep our attention focused on the worldwide impact of the pandemic; to habitually cite U.S.-specific statistics may imply that the loss of an American life is more of a tragedy than the loss of a life elsewhere.
7. In his later novel, The Plague (translated by Stuart Gilbert, Vintage Books, 1947/1972), Camus tells us that the pestilence killing people is “an absurd situation, but…we’ve got to accept it as it is” (p. 79) — meaning see it clearly — rather than taking refuge in unjustified hope, faith (which is, by definition, belief without evidence), or magical thinking. (News is not “fake” just because you don’t like it; reports of contagion risk and mortality are not “fear-mongering” just because they’re upsetting.) But that doesn’t mean we should “accept” the situation in the other sense of the word: “A fight must be put up” (p. 122) and even the fact that “victories will never be lasting” is “no reason for giving up the struggle” (p. 118). Incidentally, when Camus talks about metaphysical rebellion, he is not proposing that we rage impotently and consign ourselves to lifelong negativity. Rather, he urges us to embrace life — to love, create, affirm, “give the void its colors” — but to do so as a kind of revolt, in defiance of the ultimate meaninglessness of our condition.
8. Elsewhere, I’ve argued for a similar reality-based response as an alternative not only to chronic negativity but also to an unjustified posture of indiscriminate gratitude.




Why Does Trump Continue to Lie about Mail-in Voting?




“Donald Trump is escalating baseless attacks on mail-in voting in what appears to be an obvious effort to sow doubt about the fairness of the 2020 election.

“Trump has long made false accusations about voter fraud, claiming without evidence that 3-5 million Americans voted illegally in the 2016 election. But his barrage against mail-in voting is particularly alarming ahead of an election during the Covid-19 pandemic, where there is likely to be severely limited in-person voting and many Americans will probably vote by mail for the first time. Advocates worry voters who don’t want to risk their health and vote in person could also be swayed by Trump’s rhetoric, not feel comfortable voting by mail, and simply choose not to vote at all.

“Trump’s menacing rhetoric could discourage some people, particularly minority groups, from casting mail-in votes, said Domingo Garcia, president of the League of United Latin American Citizens, which advocates on behalf of Hispanic Americans. ‘It could have a chilling effect and I think that’s the intent,’ he said. ‘Trump is using his bully platform to try to discourage people from voting and to try to stop people from voting by mail.’

“Trump’s tweets on mail-in voting in recent weeks have been a mix of unsubstantiated claims and outright falsehoods. Trump absurdly suggested on Thursday that children could steal ballots out of people’s mailboxes and distribute them to voters. Attacking a plan to mail-ballots to registered voters in California earlier this week, he also lied, saying the state was sending ballots to ‘anyone living in the state, no matter who they are or how they got there.’ He also said mailboxes would be robbed and that voting by mail would lead to fraudulently printed and signed ballots (California allows voters to track their ballot and verifies the voter’s identity using their signature). 

“Last week, Trump falsely accused Michigan of planning to send absentee ballots to registered voters; the state is actually sending mail-in ballot applications to voters, a measure Republicans elsewhere have endorsed. Meanwhile, voter fraud, including fraud in mail-in voting, remains extremely rare.

“Trump has openly talked about the political upside of having fewer people vote. In a March interview, he dismissed Democratic efforts in Congress to make it easier to vote by mail during the Covid-19 pandemic, saying: ‘If you’d ever agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again.’…” (The Guardian).