Donald
Trump's demolition of the
East Wing of the White House isn’t just an architectural
abomination; it’s symbolic of the wrecking ball he’s taken to the Constitution.
Driven by his unbounded megalomania and supported by the high-tech oligarchy and a Cabinet of fawning
sycophants, the 79-year-old president has precipitated a constitutional crisis and
set the nation on the road to authoritarianism and democratic collapse.
Since resuming his seat behind the Resolute Desk, Trump
has issued more than 360 executive orders, presidential
memoranda, and presidential
proclamations, effectively replacing the system of checks and
balances and separation of powers that forms the backbone of the Constitution
with strongman-style rule. Among his
most notorious decrees are those that:
-End federal diversity, equity
and inclusion (DEI) programs;
-Roll back environmental
protections, encourage energy exploration and production on federal
lands and waters, and eliminate electric vehicle mandates;
-Impose sanctions on liberal law firms and elite universities;
-Would restrict mail-in
voting and impose national voter ID requirements;
-Empower the Department of
Government Efficiency to reduce the size of the federal
workforce and dismantle the administrative state;
-Authorize mass deportations and
expedite removal proceedings to secure the borders and protect the nation from
a claimed “invasion;”
-Seek to end birthright
citizenship by reinterpreting the citizenship clause of
the 14th Amendment’
-Designate antifa as
a domestic terrorism organization;
-Create a “Joint National
Terrorism Task Force” to “investigate, prosecute, and disrupt” the
work of “entities and individuals” who sponsor, fund, or “otherwise aid and
abet” acts of “political violence,” including alleged attacks on Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities
and “anti-police and ‘criminal justice’ riots;”
-Federalize the
National Guard and dispatch troops to American cities;
-Impound
congressionally authorized funds for foreign aid and medical
research;
-Levy tariffs on imported goods
without congressional approval; and
-Authorize Trump to fire members of
independent federal agencies without cause under the auspices
of the “unitary executive theory,” which posits that
all executive power is concentrated in the person of the president.
Trump has also openly teased about running for a third term in
contravention of the 22nd Amendment; secured three indictments and
counting against his political critics; launched a lethal air campaign against
alleged drug-smuggling boats in the Caribbean and the eastern Pacific without
congressional authorization and in arguable violation of international law;
and demanded that the Justice Department hand him $230 million to compensate for
the federal investigations into alleged Russian interference in the 2016
election and for prosecuting him in the Mar-a-Lago documents case.
Confronted with this wreckage,
most legal scholars now believe we have crossed the Rubicon. “We are in the
midst of a constitutional crisis right now,” Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin
Chemerinsky told the New York Times last February after
Trump’s initial spate of executive orders. “There have been so many
unconstitutional and illegal actions in the first 18 days of the Trump
presidency. We never have seen anything like this.”
Although there is no universally
accepted definition of a constitutional crisis, Princeton University professor
of politics Keith Whittington has written that constitutional
crises fall into two general categories: operational crises, which occur when
vital political disputes can’t be resolved within the existing constitutional
framework; and crises of fidelity, which happen when a major political actor no
longer feels bound by constitutional norms.
The United States is
beset by both calamities at once. As Harvard Law School professor Noah Feldman
explained on the eve of Trump’s first impeachment,
Trump’s abiding lawlessness means that “we no longer have just a crisis of the
presidency. We also have a breakdown in the fundamental structure of government
under the Constitution. That counts as a constitutional crisis.”
Winning the fight against Trumpism requires
building a new progressive politics guided by energetic leaders like Zohran Mamdani, who
can articulate a small “d” democratic vision for the future.
In Trump 2.0, the dangers have
multiplied, extending from the executive branch to the supine Republican
majority in Congress and the Supreme Court. The Republican Party has
been completely captured by Trump and the MAGA movement, both at the state and
national levels.
The Supreme Court has similarly
surrendered the last vestiges of actual judicial independence. All claims to
the contrary evaporated last July with the court’s 6-3 decision on presidential
immunity (Trump v. United States), authored by
Chief Justice John Roberts. The decision not only killed special counsel Jack
Smith’s election subversion case against Trump, but it also altered the
landscape of constitutional law, endowing presidents with absolute immunity
from prosecution for actions taken pursuant to their enumerated constitutional
powers, such as pardoning federal offenses, and presumptive immunity for all
other “official acts” undertaken within the “outer perimeter” of their official
duties.
In a scathing dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor blasted
her Republican colleagues for inventing “an a textual, ahistorical, and
unjustifiable” concept of immunity. “The Constitution’s text contains no
provision for immunity from criminal prosecution for former Presidents,” she
wrote, citing the famous Watergate tapes decision of United States v. Nixon. She concluded
in a sad and angry lament, “The relationship between the President and the
people he serves has shifted irrevocably. In every use of official power, the
President is now a king above the law.”
Trump’s ascent has exposed the
inherent weaknesses, loopholes, and limitations that have always existed in the
imperfect system created by the venerated Founding Fathers, who for all of
their failings (slaveholding chief among them), tried
to erect formal structures to protect the republican form of government they
established. Many realized the frailties of the project they undertook.
Alexander Hamilton, perhaps the most prescient of the Founders, all but
prophesied the rise of a Trump-like demagogue, warning in a letter to George Washington written
during the financial panic of 1792:
"When a man unprincipled in
private life, desperate in his fortune, bold in his temper… is seen to mount
the hobby horse of popularity, he may “ride the storm and direct the
whirlwind."
Hamilton’s warning isn’t just a curiosity for professional historians to ponder. It’s an announcement of a five-alarm fire in 2025. The all-important question is how we fight back. The first step, plainly, is to realize the gravity of the moment. American exceptionalism—the idea that this country is immune from authoritarianism—is a myth. The second step is to realize that Trumpism is not just another form of partisan politics. It cannot be countered by lethargic appeals by establishment Democrats to re-embrace the political center.
Winning the fight against Trumpism requires building a new progressive politics guided by energetic leaders like Zohran Mamdani, who can articulate a small “d” democratic vision for the future. And it will require a commitment from each of us to engage for the long haul, and never forget that together we have power, and that alone we have none.
Bill Blum is a former
California administrative law judge. As an attorney prior to becoming a judge,
he was one of the state's best-known death-penalty litigators. He is also an
award-winning writer and legal journalist, and the author of three popular legal
thrillers published by Penguin/Putnam as well as scores of features and book
reviews published in a broad array of magazines and newspapers. His non-fiction
work has appeared in a wide variety of publications, ranging from Common Dreams
and The Nation to the Los Angeles Times, the L.A. Weekly and Los Angeles
Magazine.

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