The beneficiaries of President Donald Trump’s mercy in
his second term have mostly been people with access to the president or his
inner circle. Those who have followed the rules set out by the Department of
Justice, meanwhile, are still waiting.
Trump has granted clemency to allies, donors and
culture-war figures — as well as felons who, like him, were convicted of
financial wrongdoing. On Friday, he granted pardons to 77
people, including Rudy Giuliani and other allies tied to efforts to
overturn the 2020 election, though they are mostly symbolic because federal
pardons do not apply to ongoing or possible state prosecutions, which many of
the grantee's face.
Those clemencies came on top of the commutation
awarded last month to George Santos, the disgraced former New York congressman
found guilty of defrauding donors and lying to the House of Representatives.
Trump cut short Santos’ seven-year sentence after less than three months.
For those who followed the standard protocol set out
by the Department of Justice, the sense is growing that the process no longer
matters; they’ve watched the public database of applicants swell with thousands
of pending cases, while Trump grants pardons to people who never entered the
system at all.
In just over nine months back in office, roughly 10,000
people have filed petitions for pardons or commutations, about two-thirds the
total of the 14,867
applications submitted during the entire Biden presidency.
Under Justice
Department standards and requirements, people seeking pardons generally
must wait five years after their release from incarceration, demonstrate good
conduct and remorse, and file petitions through the Office of the Pardon
Attorney. But Trump’s actions in his second term show he has largely abandoned
that process.
Those who have followed the rules are still waiting. They
include small-business owners with decades-old fraud cases, veterans seeking to
regain the gun rights that were stripped away with their convictions and people
working jobs far below their experience because of the stigma of a criminal
record.
“It’s unfair to the little guy,” said Margaret Love, who
served as pardon attorney from 1990 to 1997 under Presidents George H.W. Bush
and Bill Clinton and now represents people in clemency cases. “I tell people,
‘Sorry, you don’t have a chance.’”
The pattern began in Trump’s first term, when fewer than
half of his clemency recipients had applied through the Office of the Pardon
Attorney. By one
estimate, only 1 in 10 had been recommended by career officials in that
office.
In his second term, the break from the formal process has
only widened: Only 10 of the roughly 1,600 people granted pardons had filed
petitions to the Office of the Pardon Attorney, and even within that small
group, some did
not appear to meet the Justice Department’s standards and
requirements.
A huge chunk of the pardons, roughly 1,500, were
people convicted for their roles in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol. The
rest have come largely through back channels. In some of the more striking
cases, Trump’s pardons erased not only criminal convictions for defendants tied
to large-scale corruption and financial crimes, but the restitution judges had
ordered or that defendants had agreed to pay.
The Justice Department did not respond to questions
about why many recent pardons appear to have come outside the traditional
review process or why the president has tended to use his clemency power to
help political allies and people convicted of financial crimes or public
corruption.
A spokesperson for the department said in an email that
the Office of the Pardon Attorney is processing clemency applications. “The
Department,” the spokesperson said, “is committed to timely and carefully
reviewing all applications and making recommendations to the President that are
consistent, unbiased, and uphold the rule of law.”
Last month, Trump pardoned Changpeng Zhao, the
billionaire founder of the cryptocurrency exchange Binance, who had served four
months in prison after pleading guilty in 2023 to charges of enabling money
laundering. The Wall
Street Journal reported that Binance had hired a lobbyist to pursue
the pardon. The company has also supported Trump’s family’s crypto ventures. In
a “60 Minutes” interview, Trump said that “a lot of people asked me” to pardon
Zhao and that he “didn’t know him personally.”
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said
last week that there was a “whole team of qualified lawyers who look
at every single pardon request” and that Trump was the final
decision-maker.
She said he was “very clear when he came into office that
he was most interested in looking at pardoning individuals who were abused and
used by the Biden Department of Justice and were over prosecuted by a
weaponized DOJ.”
A House
Judiciary Committee report written by Democratic staffers — which
Republicans on the panel did not respond to — found that Trump’s second-term
pardons had wiped out more than $1.3 billion in restitution and fines owed to
victims and to the public. The
White House called the report “pointless.”
Last month, the Securities and Exchange Commission, now
led by Trump appointees, dropped parallel civil cases that could have forced
several defendants who were granted clemency by Trump to return hundreds of
millions of dollars more, leaving victims with little recourse beyond private
lawsuits.
But it’s not as if Trump broke a system that was working. A president’s pardon powers are considered absolute. For years, the clemency process has been criticized as slow, opaque and riddled with conflicts of interest — with Department of Justice attorneys helping to decide the fate of the very people they once sought to imprison. Presidents were usually faulted for using the power too sparingly to right wrongs.
Trump had a rare opportunity to fix the
system. Instead, experts said, he has exploited it.
“If you’re a donor or political supporter, you move to
the front of the line,” said Jim Hux, a lawyer representing a Missouri man
seeking a pardon for tax crimes he committed two decades ago. He said his
client has “led a model life” since finishing his sentence and fits the other
criteria the Justice Department says it looks for.
“He’d love to take his grandson hunting and can’t do that
because he can’t possess a firearm,” Hux said. He asked that his client not be
named.
But after months of watching Trump issue clemency to
people who didn’t meet the criteria — and who never went through the Office of
the Pardon Attorney — Hux said that he was discouraged.
“If you’re just an average citizen, you can’t even get in
the line,” Hux said. “I told my guy he’d probably be better off if he broke
into the Capitol or made a major donation to Trump’s inauguration.” […]
ProPublica
How Trump Has Exploited Pardons to Reward Allies and Supporters — ProPublica

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