President Donald Trump is confused. Just moments before he was to meet with China’s President Xi Jinping, he posted a baffling message on his Truth Social site, claiming the U.S. would “immediately” resume the testing of nuclear weapons. No one knew what he meant or why he was saying it.
“Because of other countries testing programs, I have
instructed the Department of War to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an
equal basis,” Trump said, “That process will
begin immediately.” When questioned later by reporters aboard Air Force
One, he added: “We don’t do testing. We’ve halted it years, many
years ago. But with others doing testing, I think it’s appropriate that we do
also.”
That was hardly clarifying. Did he actually mean that the
U.S. would resume exploding nuclear weapons at the old Nevada test site,
something we have not done in more than 30 years? Or was he just reacting to Russian tests this week of a long-range cruise
missile and an underwater drone?
To paraphrase Bill Clinton, it depends on what your definition of “nuclear” is. Did he actually mean that the U.S. would resume exploding nuclear weapons at the old Nevada test site?
The U.S. has conducted 1,054 explosive tests of nuclear
weapons beginning with the world’s very first test of an atomic bomb in 1945.
This is more nuclear explosions than all other nations combined. As a result,
the nation has a vast scientific understanding of the dynamics of nuclear
fission (the splitting of atoms), nuclear fusion (the fusing of atoms) and the
complex hydrodynamics of the hot plasma created in the first microseconds of a
nuclear detonation.
Our knowledge is so deep that in 1992, we stopped testing. All other countries followed suit. In 1996, the nations of the world, led by the U.S., negotiated the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, or CTBT, banning nuclear explosive tests worldwide. One hundred eighty-seven nations have signed the accord. No nation has tested nuclear weapons in this century, save for North Korea, which conducted six tests between 2006 and 2017. Those tests are one of the reasons North Korea is considered a rogue state, outside of international norms.
Using the data from previous tests and ever-advancing
supercomputers, we can now simulate nuclear explosions without an actual
physical explosion. We conduct “sub-critical” experiments involving nuclear
materials that stop just short of a full chain reaction. The directors of our
national weapons laboratories annually certify that the more than 5,000 nuclear
weapons in our stockpile are safe, reliable and effective.
Although fiercely contested at the time — and still not
ratified by the U.S. Senate — the test ban treaty ended the further radiation poisoning of people near or downwind
from test sites in Nevada and the South Pacific. It’s no wonder that members of
Nevada’s congressional delegation reacted sharply to Trump’s threat.
“Absolutely not,” said Rep. Dina Titus, D-Nev., who
vowed to introduce a bill to forbid the resumption of nuclear testing.
Sen. Jacky Rosen, D-Nev., was equally
firm, “This directly contradicts the commitments I secured from Trump
nominees — and the opinion of Administration officials who certify our nuclear
stockpile — who’ve told me explosive nuclear testing would not happen and is
unnecessary. I’ll fight to stop this.”
Banning nuclear tests in 1996 was not just the right
moral and humane choice, but it also locked in an American advantage in nuclear
knowledge. Resuming nuclear testing would allow other nations to catch up. If
Trump began testing, other nations would quickly follow.
Russian spokesman Dmitry Peskov dryly responded to Trump, “Until now, we were not aware
that anyone was testing anything.” He added, “But I want to recall President
[Vladimir] Putin’s statement, which has been repeated many times: that, of
course, if someone abandons the moratorium, Russia will act accordingly.”
If Trump began testing, other nations would quickly
follow.
China — which has conducted only 45 test explosions, and
none since 1996 — would leap at the chance to develop new nuclear weapons and
experiment with new designs. India and Pakistan would certainly follow. Even
Israel, which has never admitted to possessing nuclear weapons, though it is
widely believed to have a small arsenal, might join the nuclear testing parade.
Trump is poised to make nuclear testing great again — all across the world. Does Trump understand this? When he says “immediately,” does he understand that the Nevada test site has been closed for more than 30 years? That it would take almost three years to refurbish the facility — now known as the Nevada National Security Site — and get it in shape to explode weapons again?
Does he even know that the cruise missile and underwater
drone that Russia tested did not carry nuclear warheads? That they were tests
of experimental delivery vehicles with small nuclear
reactors providing propulsion, but that they did not carry nuclear warheads?
He may not. Trump’s knowledge of nuclear issues is
alarmingly thin. His purges of top scientists, generals and experienced
national security experts have left him dangerously ill-advised. It is not as
if Secretary of “War” Pete Hegseth can help.
Maybe this was just a boss move, Trump’s attempt to assert male dominance as he met a powerful rival. Let us hope it was just a rhetorical flex. But it may not be. Nuclear hawks in the Pentagon and conservative bastions such as the Heritage Foundation have long pushed for restarting nuclear tests — including as part of its Project 2025 policy blueprint. They may have gotten to Trump.
As MSNBC host Lawrence O’Donnell might say, the most profoundly ignorant president in American history may have just kicked off a new, treacherous nuclear arms race — and not even realize what he has done.

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