The internal workings of desalination plants can be
massive and very complex. Fayez
Nureldine/AFP via Getty Images
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and neighboring
countries in the Persian Gulf region use the fossil fuels under their desert
lands not only to make money, but also to make drinking water.
The petroleum they produce powers more
than 400 desalination plants, which turn seawater into drinkable water.
In the war that began on Feb. 28, 2026, with U.S. and
Israeli attacks on Iran, retaliatory attacks from Iranian forces have hit oil
refineries and natural
gas plants and disrupted
tourism and
aviation. Those attacks all hurt Gulf nations’ economies and their hard-won
reputations for safety and stability.
But Iranian
strikes have also already hit close to a key desalination plant in
Dubai. Iranian strikes on March 2 on Dubai’s
Jebel Ali port hit about 12 miles (20 kilometers) away from a massive
complex with 43
desalination units that are key to the city’s production of more than
160 billion gallons of water each year.
And there has already been damage to the UAE’s
Fujairah F1 power and water plant and at Kuwait’s
Doha West plant. In both cases, the damage seems to have stemmed from
attacks on nearby ports or from falling debris from drone interceptions.
Saltwater kingdoms
The region’s monarchies are often described as petro-states, but they have
also become what I call saltwater
kingdoms, global superpowers in the production of human-made fresh
water drawn from the sea. Desalination is part of the reason there
are golf
courses, fountains, water parks and
even indoor
ski slopes with manufactured snow.
All together, eight of the 10 largest desalination plants in the world are in the Arabian Peninsula. Israel’s two Sorek plants round out the list. The countries of the Arabian Peninsula have about 60% of global water-desalination capacity. And plants close to Iran, around the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea, produce more than 30% of the world’s desalinated water.
Roughly
100 million people in the Gulf region rely on desalination plants for
their water. Without them, almost
nobody would be able to live in Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE – or much
of Saudi Arabia, including its capital, Riyadh.
Sabotage of water supplies
CIA worries about attacks on Gulf region desalination plants date back to the 1980s. During Saddam Hussein’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait, those worries became real. After coalition forces began bombing Iraqi positions in January 1991, part of Iraqi troops’ response was to release millions of barrels of crude oil into the Persian Gulf. As the massive oil slick drifted south, U.S. and Saudi officials feared it was meant to sabotage desalination systems.
Workers installed protective
booms to shield intake valves at major plants, especially the one that
supplies much of Riyadh’s water. In Kuwait, Iraqi sabotage damaged or destroyed
much of the country’s
desalination capacity.
Kuwaiti authorities also turned to Turkey and Saudi Arabia to supply some 750 water tankers and 200 trucks to import an 18-ton emergency supply of bottled water. U.S.-supplied generators and mobile desalination units provided additional temporary relief, though the full recovery took years.
More recent threats
Fears of attacks on desalination plants resurfaced after
Yemen’s Houthi movement launched drones and missiles at Saudi facilities at
Al-Shuqaiq in 2019 and 2022 –
though they did no lasting damage.
Iran’s weapons are far more numerous and sophisticated
than the Houthis’, though, so if it attacked desalination plants, the damage
could be significant.
There is an irony here: Iran’s capital city of Tehran has
a water
shortage crisis so serious that in 2025 the government reportedly
considered relocating
the drought-stricken capital to the coast. But Iran is less
vulnerable to attacks on desalination, because its water supply relies
instead on dams and
wells.
Whatever else the
war may be about, water could well become a major factor in the violence
and leave lasting political scars. And if either side were to intentionally
attack water sources or desalination plants, it would clearly be a
human-rights violation.
Michael
Christopher Low, Associate Professor of History; Director, Middle East
Center, University of Utah,
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