Autocracies, by their nature, flood the zone with so many
outrages, abuses, and affronts to democratic norms that they can destabilize
and discombobulate the opposition. As we struggle to identify new offenses and
scrutinize which matters are relevant and which are not, democracy defenders
occasionally must step back to see how they are advancing the larger cause of
democracy.
Unfortunately, this has sometimes encouraged unnecessary and
premature speculation about the 2028 race. It is tempting to think that if
Democrats only clear the field for the “right” candidate, democracy could be
secured. That is foolishness on stilts. We have no way of predicting who will
emerge and be the best nominee. Moreover, the damage Donald Trump has wrought
demands much more than a winning 2028 ticket.
While the 2028 presidential field will sort itself out in
time, Democrats have critical work in the interim, namely building consensus
for a positive pro-democracy agenda that goes beyond reversing Trump’s legacy.
Democrats (unlike 2020) must, as a party, be
foursquare behind a reform agenda that ensures no future president can
duplicate Trump’s tyrannical maneuvers. Democrats can vigorously debate
everything from Supreme Court expansion to financial reform for the executive
branch, all to forge an identity as the reform party that will permanently
drain the swamp. But they also need an organizing message, a unifying identity
to place them on the side of democracy and prosperity for all and against an
autocratic oligarchy.
A “Democracy Revival 2028” (better than “The Contract with
America”), first and foremost, could set down markers that candidates can rally
around. Policy decisions (e.g., green energy, healthcare, taxes) can be sorted
out by the candidates, but surely everyone running under the Democratic banner
can coalesce behind certain rock principles on due process, civil rights, and
ending executive power grabs.
For example, if it was not clear before, Democrats have been
reminded that democracy cannot tolerate a rogue autocrat with unchecked power
to drag us into wars. Democrats, appealing to a broad cross-section of
Americans, can champion a more robust War Powers Resolution, specifying that
military forces cannot be deployed in an ongoing war without congressional
authorization. It is long past time to end the imperial presidency’s assumption
of unilateral action to start wars.
In addition, Democracy Revival 2028 could include items
such as tough Hatch Act penalties, a mechanism to nix foreign emoluments,
expansion of the Supreme Court with term limits, a bar on presidents’ private
business dealings, limits on all presidential “emergency” provisions,
nonpartisan redistricting, severe penalties for attempting illegal executive
impoundment, voting rights restoration, enhanced workers’ rights to organize,
legislation to overturn court precedent that has virtually eliminated suits for
deprivation of civil rights (“Bivens” suits), statutory protection for abortion rights,
and an annually renewed “democracy entitlement” fund for election
administration and security. Items as specific as barring the use of masks and
non-uniformed ICE agents, strengthening Posse Comitatus, and protecting
independent agencies from political intimidation should not be neglected.
Democrats can debate the particulars of these ideas, but
no Democrat should quibble with the restoration of the Voting Rights Act or
preventing the president from engaging in the sort of corruption we have seen
from Trump.
It is essential not to aim too low. Restoration of democracy
will be a multiple-election endeavor. Democrats must get cracking if they want
to build national consensus even on items that require constitutional
amendments (e.g., beef up impeachment by lowering the threshold for Senate
removal, add a constitutional right to vote, and undue Citizens United).
Building on resistance among law firms, businesses, and
universities to authoritarian bullying, Democrats can champion efforts to
protect NGO’s, academic freedom, scientific research, and the press from
authoritarian predation, including criminal penalties for use of tax, or
regulating power to circumscribe First Amendment rights.
Republicans made the capture of courts a multi-decade
endeavor that consistently engaged their base; Democrats must recapture our
democracy using a similar guiding principle around which the base can organize
over a decade or longer.
To be certain, not all Democrats will agree on the
particular solutions (e.g., how broad should Posse Comitatus reform go).
However, they can enlist the best constitutional minds and historians while
soliciting input from retired judges, lawmakers, governors, and Cabinet
members. Every Democrat from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) to Sen. John Fetterman
(D-Pa.) should be able to support guardrails that will undo Trump’s autocracy
and prevent the next one that comes along.
Democracy in the abstract is not a political winner. But the
particulars (union rights, abortion rights, restricting deployment of military
to the streets) are overwhelmingly popular.
Democracy defenders cannot block all of Trump's
destructive schemes. The true test will come at the ballot box under the banner
of reform and restoration. Now is the time to set the stage for massive MAGA
defeats and to craft a pro-democracy agenda for the future. In forcing those
extremist Republicans to defend a tyrannical executive, deprivation of core
civil rights, and an imperial, geriatric Supreme Court, Democrats will leave no
doubt as to which party embodies the spirit of democracy and commitment to the
rule of law.
New York City mayoral primary winner Zohran Mamdani will be an intriguing alternative to
behold.
-Jennifer Rubin, The Contrarian is possible because of
you! Support our work, join the opposition, and be a part of our community of
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