Monday, April 21, 2025

"On Easter Sunday 2025, two men addressed the world. One had trouble breathing, the other has trouble shutting up"

 


One clung to life long enough to offer a final blessing. The other clung to grievance like a toddler with a toy he’d already broken. And in the space between their words—between grace and bile, between resurrection and resentment—we found the chasm that defines this era.

THE LAST BLESSING

Pope Francis, just days before his death, emerged onto the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica with the breath of a dying man and the spirit of a giant. Unable to read his own Urbi et Orbi address, he still insisted on standing before the faithful, waving to the crowd, blessing children, offering joy.

“Brothers and sisters, Happy Easter!” he said.
“All of us are children of God.”

His message, read aloud on his behalf, pleaded for peace in Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and Congo. He called for aid instead of arms, compassion instead of cruelty. He asked the world not to close its doors to migrants and those in need.

He died the next day. This is what courage looks like. This is what faith sounds like. And this is what a final sermon should be: selfless, human, hopeful.

THE PETTY TYRANT’S PARADE

Meanwhile, across the Atlantic and deep inside his own echo chamber, President Donald Trump spent Easter Sunday spraying venom on Truth Social like a skunk with a grudge.

His opening post tried for warmth: “Melania and I would like to wish everyone a very Happy Easter!” But the illusion didn’t last. Soon came the bile: “Happy Easter to all, including the Radical Left Lunatics who are fighting and scheming so hard to bring Murderers, Drug Lords, Dangerous Prisoners, the Mentally Insane, and well-known MS-13 Gang Members and ... .”

And, of course, he couldn't resist revisiting the 2020 election, accusing his opponents of fraud and wishing them a sarcastic "Happy Easter." No mention of resurrection. No nod to Christ. No humility, no mercy, no grace. Just recycled lies, tired blame, and a Hallmark card dipped in acid.

He didn’t stop there. He attacked Biden. He attacked judges. He called immigrants criminals. He declared himself “the greatest friend that American capitalism has ever had.” And then, as if it were all normal, he went golfing.

THE RUBRIC: HUMANITY VS. HUBRIS

It would almost be funny if it weren’t so blasphemous. But the contrast doesn’t stop there—it gets louder the closer you listen. If we grade them on compassion, Francis passes while Trump speaks of retribution and vengeance. If we grade them on truth, Francis pleads for it while Trump buries it. If we grade them on the spirit of Easter—hope, forgiveness, love—Francis embodied it with his final breath. Trump mocked it with his thumbs. One man spent his last day calling for peace. The other spent his yelling into the void he created.

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO GRIFT

What Francis gave away—blessing, kindness, dignity—Trump has only ever tried to sell. Every Easter post is a sales pitch in a tinfoil halo. Every “God bless” is a dog whistle to the paranoid. And every “Happy Easter” is followed by another tantrum against a judge, a migrant, or a ghost from the 2020 ballot box.

This isn’t faith. It’s performance art for the spiritually bankrupt. You can’t preach resurrection while fantasizing about revenge. You can’t invoke Christ while mocking the crucified. And you sure as hell can’t call yourself a servant of God while suing the prophets and golfing through plagues.

HISTORY TAKES ATTENDANCE

Francis’s final appearance was a moment history will remember—a weak body held upright by moral strength. Trump’s Easter outburst was one more smear on an already stained record.

The Pope asked the world to imagine peace. Trump asked the world to imagine him on the throne again. One gave his last breath. The other won’t stop breathing threats. We do not confuse noise with meaning. We do not mistake a megaphone for a message. One gave a blessing. The other speaks with anger and accusations. And one of them had the decency to die with dignity.

TO THE CATHOLICS WHO STILL WORSHIP TRUMP

You don’t get to hide behind “God uses imperfect people.” That line is for those who repent. That’s for sinners who kneel, not tyrants who tweet. You think Jesus would’ve stormed the Capitol in a red hat? You think the man who flipped tables in the temple would pose for a Bible photo op after gassing a crowd?

You call yourself pro-life while cheering on mass deportations. You take communion while swallowing conspiracy theories whole. You ignored every single Gospel passage about humility, compassion, and the dangers of wealth—and replaced them with Trump’s golden toilet.

Pope Francis begged us to remember the poor. Trump has deemed them criminals. Pick a side. Because one of them followed Christ. And the other thinks he is Christ—minus the love, the sacrifice, or the compassion.

-via Facebook, author not revealed


An Economic Crisis of Trump's Own Making

Well, it finally happened. The Wall Street darlings—the ones who usually toss rose petals at the feet of Republican tax slashers—just threw a brick through the front window of Trump’s economic fantasyland. Goldman Sachs, the very temple of American capitalism, just announced that Donald Trump’s reign of incompetence could cost the United States $90 billion. That’s billion—with a B. And what’s to blame? Not immigrants. Not socialism. Not drag queens or wind turbines. Nope. It’s Trump’s own policies. His xenophobia. His tariffs. His tantrums. His endless quest to make America hated again.

Let’s be crystal clear. This isn’t just a PR problem. This is a gut punch to working-class Americans who depend on tourism, exports, and goodwill from people around the world. What did you think was going to happen when the President started jailing tourists, banning professors, and turning airports into international hostage zones? Families don’t want their vacations to end in a holding cell. Students don’t want to study in a country run by a paranoid lunatic. And travelers from Europe? They’re not coming to the U.S. to be treated like suspected terrorists at JFK. They’re staying the hell away—and they’re taking their money with them.

Hotels in New York and San Francisco are already feeling it. National parks are seeing fewer visitors. Theme parks are bracing for a summer drop. Some areas that rely almost entirely on European summer tourists are reporting bookings down 25%—and that’s just the beginning. Canadian summer reservations are down 70%. That’s not a dip. That’s a collapse. That’s a five-alarm fire for entire regions of the country that survive off seasonal income. And the man holding the gas can is the one shouting “America First” from a podium made of lies.

And what are we getting in return for this scorched-earth diplomacy? A couple of bumper stickers about “fair trade” and a fantasyland of empty promises. Trump’s tariffs are a disaster. Prices are soaring, foreign demand is drying up, and our farmers, our manufacturers, and our exporters are left holding the bag. We’re not punishing China—we’re punishing ourselves. And the rest of the world is watching, shaking their heads, and finding new places to spend their money. France isn’t taking MAGA bucks. Japan isn’t booking conference centers in Miami. Norway’s literally cutting off oil sales to us because we’re too cozy with Putin. This is what losing looks like.

Goldman Sachs—again, not Bernie Sanders, not The Squad, not MSNBC—says this could knock a full 0.3% off our GDP. That’s a $90 billion nosedive. That’s real jobs. That’s real wages. That’s real tax revenue gone. Trump’s “Golden Age” isn’t gold at all. Its rusted tin spray-painted in MAGA red, flaking off under the weight of corruption and cruelty. You can’t scream “BUILD THE WALL” on the global stage and expect the rest of the world to hand you a mojito and a five-star Yelp review.

This is what happens when you let a sociopathic brand mascot cosplay as a president. He doesn’t care about diplomacy. He doesn’t understand economics. He thinks trade deals are bar fights and foreign policy is a reality show. Meanwhile, real people suffer. Tour guides lose their jobs. Local shops shut their doors. Farmers go bankrupt. And the man responsible is too busy posting AI-generated memes to notice—or care.

So, let’s call it what it is: an economic crisis of Trump’s own making. Not because of immigration. Not because of regulation. But because he turned the United States into an international cautionary tale. This is not a strong country. This is a paranoid, unstable wreck bleeding money, respect, and opportunity. And unless we end this MAGA experiment before it gets worse, we’ll be stuck selling knockoff souvenirs in the ruins of what used to be a world power.

-Brent Molnar, FB Thread



Sunday, April 20, 2025

"What’s needed now is not just understanding and outrage, but organized defiance" - Henry Giroux

 


All across the United States, people are rising up–refusing to be complicit in the slow-motion annihilation of democracy. They march against a regime that strips away public goods, criminalizes dissent, vanishes students, and hollows out the very institutions meant to protect civic life.

But these assaults are not new; they are the culmination of what I once called the scorched-earth politics of America’s four fundamentalisms: market worship, ideological conformity, religious zealotry, and educational repression. These fundamentalisms have steadily laid the groundwork for a society governed by violence, cruelty, and unaccountable power–where the market is sacrosanct, history is erased, justice is inverted, and knowledge is policed.

Today, these forces converge in a violent crescendo, a politics of cleansing intent on purging democracy of its ethical substance and moral vocabulary. The government is hollowed out, memory is criminalized, and the law is weaponized to serve the interests of those in power.

Racialized others are marked for disappearance, as society sinks into a state of profound erasure. What remains is not merely authoritarian rule, but a theater of terror, where disposability becomes the guiding principle and silence is dangerously mistaken for peace.

Politics has become the extension of crime itself, with governance morphing into organized barbarism. At every level of society, militarization and repression have taken root, directed not only at critics but at entire communities.

This is a state-sponsored culture of fear aimed at immigrants, dissenters, and marginalized populations. It manifests in overt abductions of U.S. citizens, targeted because of their race, their dissent, or their opposition to Trump’s domestic and foreign policies. As the fabric of democratic life unravels, the groundwork is laid for the rise of authoritarian rule, where resistance is met with violence, and the very principles of freedom and justice are hollowed out.

This is not governance in the democratic sense; it is the blueprint for authoritarian control disguised as order. The dismantling of public institutions, the suppression of historical memory, the dismantling of legal protections, the assault on higher education, the abduction of students, and the demonization of dissent all signal the emergence of a new mode of state terrorism.

This machinery of domination no longer hides its contempt for democracy. It mimics, manipulates, and ultimately discards it. It channels the darkest moments of the past, echoing the brutality of slavery, the violence of the police state, and the horror of the camps. In this rising authoritarian landscape, the state no longer serves the people; it abandons them to a ruthless order in which solidarity is shattered, justice is privatized, and hope is exiled to the margins. This is fascism on steroids.

Resistance is rising, fierce, luminous, and charged with hope. Across the nation, people are pushing back against a regime that robs them of the very essence of life: security, care, sustenance, and dignity. University faculty, students, and more and more administrators are calling for Academic Mutual Defense Compacts to defend themselves against Trump’s attacks from city streets to university campuses, this defiance grows stronger every day. Workers, educators, artists, federal employees, and students, among others, are rising up against the erosion of their rights, the violence inflicted upon their bodies, and the assault on their sense of justice and agency.

As fears mount over the collapse of retirement funds, immigration status, police violence, and job security, the crushing weight of scarcity, poverty, and powerlessness takes a toll, both emotionally and physically. With food prices soaring and consumer goods becoming more elusive, the misery deepens. Yet, in the face of this darkness, resistance continues to grow, an act of bold defiance against what Rob Nixon calls the “slow violence” of policies that crush daily life, erase memory, and hollow out the very meaning of agency.

This tide of defiance confronts a politics of cleansing and erasure, spreading like wildfire through the body of democracy: a state stripped to serve the market, memory razed and rewritten, dissent smothered beneath ideological obedience, law twisted into a weapon of vengeance, and racial others cast beyond the bounds of belonging.

This is not mere policy, it is a war on the very idea of justice, equality, and freedom, and it must be named for what it is: a multi-front cleansing campaign that demands unrelenting mass resistance. These protests are not symbolic gestures; they are insurgent affirmations that the promise of a radical democracy is not dead, only endangered, and still worth fighting for. 

Yet, they unfold under an ominous horizon: a politics of cleansing, governmental, ideological, legal, racial, and historical that is intensifying in the U.S. and metastasizing globally, threatening to become the blueprint for a brutal new world order.

Governmental Cleansing and the Death of Social Responsibility

Governmental cleansing begins with a calculated assault on governance as an instrument of the public good. In Trump’s America, the state is no longer envisioned as a guardian of collective well-being. It no longer is seen as offering vital protections like Medicare, Social Security, affordable housing, and public education; instead, it is viewed as an obstacle to unfettered capitalism.

Neoliberalism provides the ideological scaffolding for this transformation. It redefines freedom as the absence of regulation, empties democracy of its social content, and reduces all human obligations to the cold calculus of profit and efficiency. In this worldview, there are no social problems only personal failures, no public goods, only private investments. This is a politics with closing horizons, one that undermines translating private troubles into larger systemic structural issues.

Milton Friedman’s infamous assertion that “the social responsibility of business is to increase its profits” epitomizes a worldview where social justice is seen as heretical and public welfare is synonymous with socialism. Friedman’s contempt for collective responsibility and his sanctification of profit as moral imperative reveal the ideological foundation of this new horizon of barbarism and cruelty. He writes:

But the doctrine of ‘social responsibility’ taken seriously would extend the scope of the political mechanism to every human activity… That is why, in my book Capitalism and Freedom, I called it a ‘fundamentally subversive doctrine’ in a free society, and have said that in such a society, ‘there is one and only one social responsibility of business to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception or fraud’… 

Talk about social responsibility by businessmen is nothing more than pure and unadulterated socialism. Businessmen who talk this way are unwitting puppets of the intellectual forces that have been undermining the basis of a free society these past decades.

Friedman was not alone. Friedrich Hayek warned that even modest forms of state intervention would lead inevitably to tyranny. Margaret Thatcher took it further, famously declaring that “there is no such thing as society,” only individuals and their families. And Ronald Reagan, the affable face of neoliberal rollback, sealed the message when he proclaimed in his 1981 inaugural address, “Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” With that, the ideological war on the social state was no longer whispered, it became national doctrine.

In Trump’s authoritarian worldview, social responsibility is not a democratic obligation but a fatal weakness–a threat to market supremacy and a check on unchecked power. Any commitment to equality, inclusion, justice, or the common good is cast as a liability to be eliminated. Trump’s policies do not merely echo this neoliberal logic; they manipulate and weaponize it.

Federal employees are purged, regulatory agencies dismantled, and essential public services auctioned off to private interests. What emerges is not a government of, by, and for the people, but a privatized state of exception where cruelty is policy, social needs are criminalized, and governance becomes the handmaiden of wealth and power.

This is not merely the rollback of the state; it is a resurgence of market-driven authoritarianism. In this regime, democracy is gutted of its moral core, replaced by an apparatus of disposability built on raw power, profit, and the “airbrushing of the unpalatable and the unfortunate.”  

In Trump’s America, we are witnessing the rise of a criminalized regime of terror. How else can we explain Issie Lapowsky’s report in Vanity Fair, which reveals that Trump is “openly flirting with the prospect of deporting immigrants and green card holders deemed criminals to the cruel and dehumanizing mega-prison in El Salvador.” Noah Bullock, executive director of Cristosal, aptly calls the CECOT Prison a “judicial black hole.” 

David Levi Strauss adds some detail to Bullock’s comment noting that “CECOT can hold up to 40,000 prisoners, when they’re stacked up like cordwood. Those held there have no visitation rights, no recreation time, no exposure to the outside, no reading material, no bedding, and they will never leave the facility.”

Memory Cleansing and the Plague of Historical Amnesia

Across the country memory laws are emerging designed to ban critical renditions of history, narratives that challenge dominant renderings that whitewash, censor, and exclude the history of the oppressed, slavery, cruelty, war, and regressive notions of exceptionalism that give a voice to those written out of history.

Historical amnesia has become a central pedagogical tool of Trump’s fascist politics and state terrorism. Drawing from the past has become dangerous in Trump’s America because history allows students and the larger public to draw parallels, recognize patterns, and learn how not to repeat the worse acts of oppression in history.

Memory matters because it gives people the language not to overlook or dissolve as Timothy Snyder notes “the historical consequences of slavery, lynchings … voter suppression,” and other acts of injustice. Trump and his MAGA black shirts are doing more that producing what Hazel Carby calls “a national crusade to control historical knowledge,” they are turning history into a racist weapon.   

History cleansing is part of a broader backlash against inclusive histories; it is a central element of authoritarian regimes that make people disappear by eliminating their histories, memories, institutions of learning, and in the end their dignity, agency, and collective identities.

Historical cleansing, as Maximillian Alvarez aptly describes it, is a “twenty-first-century political warfare on long-term historical consciousness.” This war is unfolding in the United States, where books are banned, libraries are purged, and far-right politicians demand that public and higher education institutions sanitize the curriculum, erasing “the difficult parts of our past.” 

In this form of ideological cleansing, the brutality of racism is obscured. Facts like the brutal truth that “between 1877 and 1950, more than 4,000 Black men, women, and children were lynched in cities and towns across the country,” and that the lynching of Black men and boys continues, though no longer as public spectacles, are systematically erased. 

This racial terror has deep roots in history, yet it is now being deliberately erased from the historical record. In its place, a new spectacle has emerged—one defined by mass deportations and the rise of the prison as a central instrument of fear, lawlessness, and punishment. David Levi Strauss aptly characterizes this intensified focus on the punishing state as “carceral porn,” a powerful reflection of our times. His words are worth quoting at length:

Carceral porn reached a new level of depravity on March 26, when Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem (aka ICE Barbie) channeled Kafka in the penal colony and Lynndie England at Abu Ghraib and shook her ass in front of rows of caged, bare-breasted tattooed prisoners in El Salvador’s CECOT prison. She was wearing a blue cap with a badge and an 18-karat gold Rolex Cosmograph Daytona watch worth about $50,000. Noem has made a cottage industry out of parading around in swat or combat gear in the midst of disasters, with a make-up person and hairstylist in tow. Of the above image, she said, ‘People need to see that image.’

The spectacularizing of politics cannot be removed from the whitewashing history, another potent form of depoliticization–an erasure in which the censorship of truth not only obliterates the struggles of the marginalized and oppressed but also dismantles critical thinking, the rule of law, and the very notion of justice. Under Trump, this deliberate politics of organized forgetting extends into the mechanisms of state violence, where those erased from the historical narrative are abandoned to detention centers, prisons, and the brutalities of a police state.

Memory cleansing is not merely a distortion of history; it transforms politics into a lie, legitimizing the exclusionary acts that silence people’s voices and erase their histories, desires, and identities. Like all authoritarian regimes, the Trump administration seeks to turn the public into historical amnesiacs, obscuring the violence, corruption, and exploitation woven into the fabric of gangster capitalism and authoritarian power.

It denies the lessons of the past that show us that what happened before need not happen again. Being attentive to history is not just an intellectual exercise; it is a moral imperative, directed at making people understand that learning from history teaches us to recognize how future crimes can be prevented by remembering the past in all its painful truth.

Ideological Cleansing and the Rise of Indoctrination Factories

Fascism endures not merely through brute force, but through the systematic erasure of memory, critical knowledge, and informed judgment. It intertwines historical amnesia with ideological cleansing, preventing the public from accessing past catastrophes so that, as Maria Pia Lara powerfully observes, they are unable to “exercise judgments whose results can give rise to disconcerting truths.”

This process of historical cleansing inevitably leads to moral cleansing, which enacts the stage upon which other violent dramas can be produced. Fascism flourishes in a world where lies replace truth, spectacles drown out critical thought, and fear serves to justify and legitimize the apparatuses of indoctrination.

Across the United States, universities and public institutions are increasingly transformed into ideological battlegrounds. Books that address racism, gender violence, and settler colonialism are being banned. Professors who challenge the Trump regime, tackle urgent social issues, or advocate for Palestinian freedom face harassment and, in many cases, dismissal.

As Zane McNeill reports in Truthout, international students, too, are now increasingly vulnerable, subjected to government harassment simply for engaging in political discourse or dissent– targeted because they fail to meet the White House’s ideological litmus test for what constitutes a “patriotic” resident. Over 600 international students across more than a hundred institutions have had their visas revoked, with social media monitored by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services for supposed “antisemitic content.”

This pattern of ideological repression extends beyond the classroom, where entire academic departments, especially those focused on Middle Eastern Studies, are systematically dismantled, branded as havens of “ideological capture,” and accused of fueling “antisemitic harassment” through targeted legislation. Faculty members are being stripped of their jobs, their tenure, and their dignity, subjected to a surveillance state that calls to mind the darkest chapters of history echoing the purges of Hitler’s Germany and Augusto Pinochet’s Chile.

Ron DeSantis, the self-proclaimed anti-woke governor of Florida, embodies this crackdown with frightening precision. In a brazen act of ideological surveillance, pedagogical repression, and an intricately planned assault against all levels of critical education, DeSantis issued an executive order  demanding that Florida’s colleges and universities submit detailed records of faculty research grants over the last six years, including lists of papers published by faculty.

This sends a clear, chilling message to those faculty and others researching topics related to critical race theory, which Donald Trump has vilified as “a hateful Marxist doctrine that paints America as a wicked nation…rewrites American history…and teaches people to be ashamed of themselves and their country.”

Columbia University’s shameful acquiescence to the Trump administration’s demands for ideological purification starkly underscores the failure of American higher education to defend justice, truth, and the rights of students. In her searing critique, Fatima Bhutto captures the spirit of Columbia University capitulation to authoritarianism. She writes:

Trying to prove that they are a university the government can rely on, Columbia has …agreed to ban certain masks, empowering new campus security personnel to arrest students, and appointed someone to oversee the Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African studies department and the Palestine studies center of study. “Vichy on the Hudson,” Professor Rashid Khalidi called them recently, referring to France’s Vichy regime that collaborated with Nazi Germany.

Ideological cleansing is not limited to public and higher education. Trump’s recent executive order targeting the Smithsonian for promoting “anti-American ideology” echoes the darkest chapters of history. In July 1937, Hitler organized the notorious Degenerate Art Exhibition to condemn any cultural expression that defied state doctrine.

The intent then, as now, was to impose a singular, monolithic national narrative and criminalize complexity and artistic dissent. Fascism thrives on political theater that celebrates cruelty, militarism, manufactured ignorance, and a multitude of fundamentalisms, whether rooted in neoliberalism, religious tyranny, white supremacy, ultra-nationalism, or settler-colonialism. 

As Donalyn White and  Anthony Ballas rightly argue, ideological cleansing and historical amnesia are central to today’s capitulation to fascism. The politics of historical oblivion embrace not only ideas but also bodies, leading directly to concentration camps, prisons, and modern-day gulags.

The White House’s deliberate erasure of history reaches its nadir with the removal of anti-slavery icon Harriet Tubman‘s image and biography from the U.S. Park Service website, an ideological lynching that seeks to wipe away the legacy of slavery while diminishing the profound contributions of African-Americans to the nation’s story.

This isn’t an oversight; it’s a calculated assault on memory, a form of aesthetic assassination where icons like Tubman are disposed in to dustbin of history, alongside figures like Jackie Robinson, former Secretary of State Colin Powell, and the Tuskegee Airmen. In this act, the far-right not only rewrites history but attempts to re-imagine the very identity of America itself, one that can no longer acknowledge the brutal truths of its past or the resistance, courage, and brilliance of its Black citizens.

This is the dangerous terrain upon which we now tread. To allow this cleansing to continue is to abandon the very essence of democratic life and the moral imperatives that should guide us. We must recognize that the erasure of history, both in the mind and in the body, is not a neutral act, it is an invitation to totalitarianism.

Legal Cleansing and the End of the Rule of Law   

Legal cleansing refers to the systematic dismantling of the law as a democratic safeguard and its conversion into a tool of authoritarian rule. This pattern of legal cleansing replaces the rule of law with the law of rule. It is not about justice, but about domination, turning the law into an instrument of exclusion, vengeance, and authoritarian control.

Under Trump, the law is no longer about protecting rights, it’s about enforcing loyalty. Federal employees are fired en masse to make room for partisan loyalists. Trump has threatened elite law firms, many of whom are capitulating to his demands–smeared judges who rule against him and promised to pardon those convicted of political violence. 

He’s vowed to revoke Social Security numbers from immigrants and carry out mass deportations without due process, all done beyond the boundaries of the law. The Trump-aligned Congress is passing laws to restrict the independence of the courts and the power of judges. The Trump administration is relentless in its efforts to purge experienced, nonpartisan civil servants and replace them with political loyalists who will enforce his agenda without question.

In the process, legal protections are dismantled, regulatory agencies are stripped of their power, and dissent is treated as a crime. Immigrants and students have been abducted off the street, thrown into unmarked vehicles, and disappeared into remote ICE detention centers, for little more than advocating pro-Palestinian views. No charges. No trial. No justice.

The sheer horror of this form of organized barbarism was starkly revealed when El Salvador’s ruthless dictator, Nayib Bukele, met with Trump and callously refused to return Abrego Garcia to the United States, dismissing him as a “terrorist” he would not “smuggle” into the country. Garcia is not a terrorist, and the government itself admitted that he was mistakenly deported.

Yet it gets worse. As Hafiz Rashid reports in The New Republic, despite the Supreme Court’s order for Garcia’s return to the U.S., “the Trump administration has stalled and refused, hiding behind semantics and technicalities. And with the backing of a dictator like Bukele, the White House seems content to let an innocent immigrant languish in a gulag,” showing a complete disregard for justice and due process.

State terrorism extends beyond physical violence; it flourishes through the embrace of irrationality, with the state justifying acts of terror under the guise of national security. A striking example is the state-sponsored abduction of Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate student involved in anti-Israel protests. 

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in a memo, stated that while Khalil’s beliefs may be lawful, he invoked a provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 granting the Secretary of State the authority to “personally determine” whether he should remain in the country based on his “expected beliefs.” 

This alarming statement, with its Nuremberg-like laws and Kafkaesque nightmares, exposes the essence of authoritarian regimes, where punishment extends beyond actions to preemptively target individuals for their very thoughts. It echoes the darkest chapters of totalitarian history, where freedom is not just stifled but eradicated at its roots. This is no mere legal overreach; it is a blatant assault on due process and liberty, a grotesque perversion of justice designed to strip away the most fundamental human rights.

No one is immune from the looming terror unleashed by the Trump administration. When White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt casually claims that Trump was not joking about deporting U.S. citizens to the notorious El Salvador prison, this frightening threat demands our full attention.  

It is not just rhetoric; it is a stark warning of the grave dangers this administration poses to our basic freedoms, and a harrowing glimpse into the shape fascism is taking in America. These threats are matched by a ruthless campaign to crush dissent, erode civil liberties, and cultivate a climate of fear and repression that threatens the very foundation of a strong democracy.

This is an American style fascism without apology, unhinged in its violation of rights, justice, and essential democratic freedoms. Such rhetoric transforms dissent into a criminal act before it even occurs, exemplifying the essence of legal and ideological cleansing that underpins fascist politics.

It reveals the deeply irrational nature of authoritarian rule, where the state not only controls actions but seeks to control the very minds of its citizens, justifying state violence and terrorism against those deemed undesirable, whether for their beliefs, speech, or associations. This escalation into ideological terror is the hallmark of fascism, which thrives on the erasure of reason, the criminalization of free thought, and the normalization of state-sanctioned violence.

It is worth emphasizing, this logic is already at work on the ground. Students demanding justice for Palestine face arrest, suspension, deportation. Protest is branded as terrorism. Solidarity is met with surveillance. And all of it unfolds under the shadow of a government preparing to use the full weight of the state, military included, to crush dissent.

For the Trump administration to openly declare the power to abduct and imprison individuals not for what they have said or done, but for what they might think, secretly believe, or may come to believe, is a mind-numbing manifestation of Orwellian terror. This, without question, stands as a glaring example of state-sanctioned brutality, nothing less than state terrorism.

 Trump’s purge of the military, targeting high-ranking commanders and inspector generals is not mere reshuffling, but a calculated attempt to replace constitutional loyalty with personal devotion. It echoes the most dangerous precedents in modern history: Hitler’s co-optation of the Wehrmacht, Pinochet’s military coup in Chile, and the deployment of armed forces under Videla in Argentina.

This is the scaffolding of militarized authoritarianism, where the armed forces no longer protect the republic but enforce the will of a would-be strongman. If Trump turns the military against dissidents, demonstrators, or student protesters, as he has repeatedly threatened, the expectation is chillingly clear: they will obey.

In this vision, the law is no longer tethered to justice; it becomes a tool for vengeance, exclusion, and raw domination. The silence and craven accommodation to fascism that follows is not peace, it is complicity. And what looms on the horizon is not order, but the slow, calculated unfolding of a coup already in motion.

Racial Cleansing and the Scourge of White Supremacy

State violence always has a target, and it is painfully evident that these targets are racialized. From the southern border to the voting booth, from campus protests to inner-city neighborhoods, racial cleansing is no longer a hidden strategy, it is a governing principle. Hundreds of immigrants are detained and deported without due process, sometimes sent to a mega-prison in El Salvador or held indefinitely in ICE facilities where human rights are an afterthought.

Under Nayib Bukele reign of terror, the concept of governing through crime is visible in the fact that “  84,000 people have been arrested and jailed, usually without a trial, hearing, or any other due process of law.” Black and brown communities are overpoliced, under protected, and routinely brutalized, caught in the crosshairs of a carceral state that sees them not as citizens but as threats. Police violence has become a normalized form of racial discipline and terrorism, while white supremacist militias are emboldened and often protected.

Stephen Miller, a well-documented white nationalist, stands as one of the most influential architects behind Trump’s racist policies. Infamous for championing the cruel separation of thousands of children from their parents during Trump’s first administration, Miller has long aligned himself with far-right media and figures. 

His outspoken opposition to DACA and calls to end Temporary Protected Status for predominantly non-white populations further underscore his deeply entrenched racism. This bigotry is so well-known that even his own family members have publicly denounced him.

Racial cleansing manifests through a cascade of reactionary policies. The right to vote is under siege, restricted through gerrymandering, voter roll purges, intimidation at polling stations, and laws designed to disenfranchise communities of color. DEI programs are being dismantled under the pretense of purging racist policies, when in truth they are targeted precisely because they seek to redress systemic racism. In schools and universities, anti-racist pedagogy is vilified, books are censored; books by authors of color are banned, and any effort to center marginalized voices is cast as indoctrination.

Muslim communities are relentlessly surveilled; their lives scrutinized under policies that disproportionately target them. Latinx neighborhoods are raided. Indigenous sovereignty is ignored. And students who protest these injustices, especially those who defend Palestinian rights are labeled as extremists and enemies of the state.

Conclusion

In an age when fascism no longer hides in the shadows, we must learn to see clearly the architecture of cleansing now hollowing out and already weakened democracy–socially, ideologically, legally, and racially. This is not merely about isolated policies, but the totality of a system, a mode of neoliberal fascism, that feeds on amnesia, fear, and disposability. To resist, the American public needs to become historically conscious, attuned to how power operates both in the bloodstream of everyday life and in plain sight.

As the late sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu reminds us, gangster capitalism or its updated version of neoliberal fascism thrives not only through repression but through the death of imagination, the dismantling of critical thought, informed judgment, and the very institutions that nurture them. It is essential to challenge the formation of oppressive identities, agency, and subjectivity, while equally vital is the cultivation of cultural and educational forces that can undo them.

Just as we must confront the economic, financial, and institutional structures of neoliberal fascism, both nationally and globally, it is equally crucial to recognize that domination operates on an intellectual and pedagogical level, shaping minds and ideas as much as markets and policies.

What’s needed now is not just understanding and outrage, but organized defiance. Education must be reclaimed as a vehicle of liberation, capable of producing critical, informed, and courageous citizens. This is not the time for silence or spectatorship. It is a time to act in defense of freedom, justice, equality, and the fragile dream of a democracy not yet fully realized.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department and is the Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include: The Terror of the Unforeseen (Los Angeles Review of books, 2019), On Critical Pedagogy, 2nd edition (Bloomsbury, 2020); Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis (Bloomsbury 2021); Pedagogy of Resistance: Against Manufactured Ignorance (Bloomsbury 2022) and Insurrections: Education in the Age of Counter-Revolutionary Politics (Bloomsbury, 2023), and coauthored with Anthony DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy (Bloomsbury, 2025). Giroux is also a member of Truthout’s board of directors.

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Fascist Musk

 


Some important family and biographical information about Elon Musk: Joshua Halderman, Elon Musk's maternal grandfather, emigrated to South Africa in 1950 from Canada. Halderman headed a fascist, Nazi-like branch to overthrow Canada. He was arrested during WWII and imprisoned. He moved to South Africa after the war where he, along with his wife, become zealous advocates of apartheid.

Elon Musk was born in 1972 when John Vorster, a Nazi sympathizer, was prime minister of South Africa. Musk lived a neo-Colonial life in a racist society that discriminated against anyone who wasn't white. Musk's maternal grandfather was a staunch supporter of apartheid. 

Peter Theil, founder of PayPal and Musk's business partner, founded PayPal along with Jeffrey Sachs. Musk's Nazi salute, the one he displayed at political rally a few months ago, is reminiscent of his grandfather's fascist leaning and support of Halderman. Musk's mother, Maye Musk, is an internationally renowned model.

(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joshua_N._Haldeman)  

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KvsS6tNGiEI)


Saturday, April 19, 2025

"Donald Trump’s plan to convert our democracy to autocracy is real" -Senator Chris Murphy

 


I want to talk through how he’s doing this in real time because the crisis is here now.

Trump is enacting an insidious coordinated attack on the institutions that keep our government accountable to the people, designed to crater democracy before next fall. MAGA has given up on democracy. I wish it weren't true, but it is. They would rather rule forever than run a fair election where a Democrat might win.

Ending democracy is required to get away with the thievery and corruption happening before us. A true democracy would hold Trump accountable for the mass-scale corruption — Trump’s crypto coin, the insider trading, Musk’s self-dealing, etc.

Some people are looking for some high-stakes confrontation between Trump and the Supreme Court. They think that will be the five-alarm fire moment, and some believe it’s here with Trump defying their ruling on the Abrego Garcia case. Don’t get me wrong — I’m furious about the disappearances, which I spoke out against early when the Columbia grad student was taken without due process. It’s what happens in tin-pot dictatorships.

But a confrontation with the Supreme Court is not the endgame. The modern, time-tested way to destroy a democracy is NOT a coup or burning down the Parliament or a public confrontation with the judiciary.

It's a slow, methodical campaign to weaken the structures of accountability necessary for the political opposition to win elections. That was the playbook for Putin in Russia, Orbán in Hungary, and Erdoğan in Turkey, and Trump is copying it before our eyes.

Here’s how it works:

1: They legitimize political violence to keep critics silent. That's what the Jan. 6 pardons are about. This week, Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski spoke publicly about her worries of "retaliation.” That is chilling.

2: They silence the press. Trump does this in two ways. First, he co-opts the owners of the media and information ecosystems (Bezos, Zuckerberg, Musk, etc.). Those who don’t fall in line get harassed. That’s what’s happening with the AP over their refusal to use "Gulf of America" or FCC investigations into broadcasters like CBS.

3: They silence protectors of the rule of law. In free societies, lawyers guard our rights. Despots can more easily trample our rights if the lawyers are silenced. That's why Trump is forcing the big law firms to sign what amounts to loyalty oaths.

4: They silence universities. Two things that threaten their power happen on university campuses: youth protest and the guarding of objective truth. Neither is allowed in an autocracy. Thus, Trump’s illegal campaign to force campuses to crush dissent or be punished.

5: They silence the private sector. The tariffs are a means to force every business to get on Trump's good side and stop public dissent in exchange for relief from his regime. Withholding of federal funds from non-profits forces these orgs to stay quiet too.

6: They cut off funding for the opposition. Autocrats like Orban allow the opposition to exist, but starve it. Trump is moving to shut down non-profits and donor collectives that oppose his policies. They’re also targeting ActBlue because they know a huge source of our opposition’s ability to compete with their billionaire and corporate funding comes from small-dollar donations from people like you.

This is all happening so fast that it's hard for the public to see it all as part of one plan. But it is.

The press, lawyers, colleges and opposition political groups don't have to be destroyed for this plan to work. They just have to be weakened enough so the tools of accountability don't work anymore. The press can't tell enough truth. The lawyers won't protect our rights. Campus protests disappear. Opposition funding dries up.

That’s how they can move us to fake elections, where the regime always wins.

I know that sounds like a lot of doom and gloom, but I still believe we can stop it, and here’s how:

First, we need solidarity. Each set of institutions can't let the regime pick them off from each other. The legal profession failed miserably at this, but universities can model a collective strategy to fight back and win. We see some people trying that now with the proposed Big Ten Academic Alliance.

Second, we need mass mobilization. When hundreds of thousands of people rally against this kind of assault on democracy, history shows it works. There is a strange, magic power to mass activation that makes supporters of the regime start to jump ship. The public pressure matters.

Third, political leaders need to take risks. No citizen will take the risk to mobilize if their leaders are playing it safe.

This means speaking daily truth to the regime and taking tactical risks — like voting against the Republican government funding bill or boycotting the State of the Union would have been had enough other leaders joined my efforts.

I believe those three steps, taken together, can arrest Trump's assault. But if it doesn't, then we’ll need civil disobedience. This conversation will need to happen sooner than many of us may be comfortable with.

The bottom line is we still have the power, but we probably have less time than most think.

Every best wish,

Chris Murphy

 


"Let’s remember who these elites are" -Henry Giroux



They’re the ones who cheered the Iraq War, orchestrated the 2008 financial collapse, greenlit the surveillance state, and now enable the purge of pro-Palestinian voices from academia. Figures like Jamie Dimon, Jeff Bezos, Sam Altman, Bill Ackman, and Mark Zuckerberg; these are not champions of democracy. They are profiteers of a scorched-earth capitalism that thrives on exploitation, inequality, and repression. Why would we expect those who have benefited most from the architecture of cruelty to dismantle it?

This is the liberal fantasy: that salvation lies in polite conversation, bipartisan compromise, and technocratic tinkering. That the institutions which enabled Trump’s rise will somehow, magically and reform themselves. That the system is sick, and the cure will come from those who benefit from it the most. This logic betrays the great lie of liberalism which is the belief that capitalism and democracy are synonymous and no other notion of democracy such as a socialist democracy is possible.

But the truth is more unsettling. As I have long argued, following Brecht and the Frankfurt School, fascism is not an aberration of capitalism, it is its endpoint. It is capitalism stripped of its democratic mask, armed with a gun, wrapped in a flag, preaching moral purity while embracing war, staggering levels of economic and racial inequality, and colossal misery as normalized and taken for granted elements of society. Neoliberal fascism is colonialism turned inward, settler violence deployed against citizens, white supremacy weaponized to divide and conquer. It thrives on inequality, fear, and the spectacle of punishment.

Trump’s Fascism No Longer Creeping

No, it will not be elites who save us. It will be the workers fighting for livable wages. The students protesting on campus lawns. The teachers defending critical pedagogy. The activists blocking pipelines, marching for Palestinian freedom, or organizing against mass incarceration. It will be the artists, the feminists, the dreamers, the radical educators, and the dispossessed. These are the architects of a new future.

To place our faith in the powerful is to ignore the radical democratic energy that pulses through every act of defiance by those on the margins. Levitsky’s position is not simply wrong—it is cowardice dressed in academic robes. When public intellectuals turn to the ruling class for hope, they abandon the people they claim to represent. They trade in analysis for appeasement. They weakly name the danger but dare not name its source.

What hope remains when those entrusted with understanding fascism refuse to confront capitalism? When those with the platform to amplify resistance instead turn their backs on it?

The answer lies in the streets, not in the boardrooms. It lies in the collective power of everyday people who, despite the risks, rise up to challenge a regime that treats human life as disposable. These are not the footnotes of history; they are its authors.

If there is to be a future beyond Trumpism, beyond this long night of cruelty, repression, and manufactured despair, it will not be handed down by elites or salvaged by institutions that have long betrayed us.

If there is to be a future beyond Trumpism, beyond this long night of cruelty, repression, and manufactured despair, it will not be handed down by elites or salvaged by institutions that have long betrayed us. It will rise from below, from the courage of workers, students, artists, educators, the dispossessed and the defiant--those who dream beyond the suffocating confines of capitalism’s death-driven logic and fight for a world rooted in justice, dignity, and care.

Real change is not born in boardrooms or Senate chambers. It is forged in struggle, across picket lines, campus protests, prison yards, mutual aid networks, and acts of everyday resistance that defy the machinery of disposability. It begins with the courage to see with unflinching clarity, to name the forces of domination, and to speak the truth and hold power accountable, even when it is dangerous. It begins withstanding unapologetically with those who resist and refuse to look away.

Now is the time to make power visible, to listen deeply to the suffering of others, to trace that suffering to its systemic roots, and to think historically and radically. We must cultivate a collective consciousness, a culture of resistance, where people no longer see themselves as isolated, but as agents of history, bound together by the urgency of liberation.

This is not a call for reform. It is a call to rupture the death grip of gangster capitalism—a system that thrives on inequality, cruelty, and fear. It is a call to reclaim democracy not as a hollow slogan, but as a shared, radical practice of freedom. 

Imagining a future beyond the shadows of the present begins the moment we refuse to look away, and choose, instead, to resist together. The time has come to shut this system down through bold, nonviolent direct action—fueled by clarity, sustained by courage, and guided by the fierce hope that another world is not only possible, but already being born in the struggles of those who refuse to give in.

-Henry Giroux



Liberal Cowardice on Display and Two Cheers for Rachel Maddow


Watching Rachel Maddow [the other] night stirred conflicting emotions: I was moved by her unwavering commitment to illuminating the many forms of resistance rising up against Trump’s authoritarian rule and enraged by the cowardice and silence of so many liberals who should know better.

Maddow has been chronicling the growing spirit of defiance sweeping across the country—against a regime defined by cruelty, lawlessness, and the systematic dismantling of human dignity. One of the most chilling examples is Trump’s assault on the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), a program credited with saving over 26 million lives in more than 50 countries. Its destruction will result in the preventable deaths of millions—a shameless act of medical genocide.

This brutality is not limited to foreign shores. The abduction, incarceration, and deportation of children, families, and asylum seekers --often without due process, and always without compassion--reveal a government governed by a politics of terror. These are not isolated policies; they are manifestations of a deeper authoritarian project. This is white Christian nationalism on steroids, largely influenced by Stephan Miller, an acknowledged white supremacist.

Maddow courageously documents the growing acts of resistance around the United States, and in doing so she reminds us how urgent and necessary it is to build collective power in the face of a regime wedded to state terrorism. The hour is late, and the stakes are nothing less than the survival of our most basic freedoms and our shared humanity.

But this past Thursday, Maddow hosted Harvard professor Steven Levitsky, who made the deeply disingenuous claim that resistance to Trump must come from the powerful—the bankers, the law firms, the elite universities—while sidelining the very people who have been on the frontlines of resistance: the workers, educators, young people, and activists who have fought tirelessly, at great personal cost, to expose and challenge this regime’s cruelty.

At one point, Levitsky dismissed such resistance, referring to the 'little old ladies demonstrating at Tesla dealerships' as an example of irrelevant forms of protest. Maddow rolled her eyes and countered, suggesting that perhaps these demonstrations provided the very backbone for more 'powerful' figures to speak out.

This kind of liberal naivety/cowardice reveals a profound misunderstanding of where real change originates in times of struggle—certainly not from the corridors of power he oddly sees as real sources of resistance. Clearly, no reading of Howard Zinn here.  

Levitsky's elitist view of resistance ignores the undeniable fact that it’s precisely these grassroots movements—often demonized and marginalized—that may have forced those at the top to confront their complicity and, in some cases, recoil from their support of Trump's fascist agenda. Should the unrepentant and alleged leaders to which Levitsky refers oppose Trump--the spineless CEOs like Jamie Diamon, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, Sam Altman, Bill Ackman, and others-of course, but that would be asking a lot from this sycophantic group of enablers.

Let’s not forget who these elites past and present are—the same individuals who backed the Iraq War, who enabled the financial crash of 2008, who justified the disastrous War on Terror post-9/11, who supported the current McCarthyite purge of the universities, and the list of horrors goes on.

They’re the architects of the very conditions that allowed Trump’s rise. I have far more faith in the men, women, young people, workers, and all those who continue to stand up and fight back against the fascism that’s hollowing out our democracy. The latter are going to jail, being beaten by police, being shipped off to modern day gulags while the rich and powerful offer interviews on CNN and to the New York Times.

It is not the CEOs, hedge fund managers, or political elites—the very architects of the nightmare we are living through—who will deliver us from it. It is the workers, the young, students, the defenders of Palestinian freedom, the environmental activists, those fighting for racial justice, gender equality, and a world free from obscene inequality who carry the torch of resistance and the promise of a different future. To suggest, as Levitsky does, that the powerful will lead the fight against Trump is not only comic—it is morally bankrupt.

Levitsky’s response was a shameful act of intellectual retreat. To place faith in the elite and powerful to fight against the smothering fascist politics brought to the center of power by the Trump administration is to abandon the very people who have risked everything to preserve it. When public intellectuals turn to the ruling class for salvation, they reveal not just cowardice, but a fundamental betrayal of the spirit of democracy itself. What hope remains when those entrusted with naming the crisis refuse to see where its real antidote lies—in the courage of everyday people who dare to resist?

-Henry Giroux