The Russian military has used cluster bombs in at least two
attacks on Ukraine, and likely a third, since its invasion of Ukraine on
February 24, according to media and social media reports, and human rights
groups. The strikes have resulted in civilian deaths. Their use in these
instances may ultimately qualify as a war crime, given the indiscriminate nature of the
explosives, as well as the reasonable expectation that they could fail to
detonate immediately, causing risks to civilians for years.
A Russian strike killed four people and injured 10 in an
attack on a hospital in Vuhledar, in the Donetsk region, according to Human Rights Watch. Russian forces struck
Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second-largest city, with multiple rounds of cluster
munitions strikes, according to weapons experts who spoke with Reuters. And a preschool in Okhtyrka, in Sumy Oblast,
was hit by cluster bombs suspected to have been deployed by Russian forces,
killing three civilians, according to Amnesty International. Open-source intelligence organization Bellingcat
has identified other uses of cluster munitions in Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine, though it’s not clear whether those strikes resulted in
any casualties.
Cluster munitions are a category of weapon that covers any
delivery system that opens in midair to scatter tens or hundreds of “bomblets”
that rain down over a dispersed area. They can be dropped from bombers or fired
from artillery, and are a controversial weapon even by the standards of modern
warfare. The bomblets — which are similar to landmines — are not precise and do
not discriminate between soldiers and civilians, by definition. In many cases,
the smaller bombs fail to explode on impact, leaving civilians at risk for
years to come.
Since 2010, 110 countries have joined the Convention on Cluster Munitions, which bans their use, while another 13 are
signatories that haven’t ratified it yet. Crucially, the United States, Russia
and China have not joined in the ban. Neither has Ukraine, nor U.S. ally Saudi
Arabia, which has used U.S.-made cluster munitions in its war on Yemen as recently as 2016. The
United States military is not believed to have used cluster bombs since a
strike in Yemen in 2009, according to Human Rights Watch, which monitors the use of the weapons closely.
Some estimates have found that as many as 85 percent of casualties from cluster bombs since the treaty’s
enactment have been civilians. “Evidence from Afghanistan, Laos, Lebanon, Iraq,
Serbia, and other affected states’ cluster munitions revealed that there was no
responsible way to use cluster munitions due to their inherently indiscriminate
nature,” writes Erin Hunt, program manager at Mines Action
Canada. In general, the “laws of war” require militaries to follow several key
requirements: to distinguish between civilians and combatants, to attack only
military targets and to make the risk to civilians “proportional” to the
military objective. As a result, even analysts who reject a more vehement
critique of militarism and war are still able to unite in opposition to cluster
bombs, arguing that their use in general, and their apparent recent use by
Russia, don’t meet those requirements.
Russia is now more than a week into its invasion of
Ukraine, a war of aggression that has drawn widespread condemnation across the
world and isolated the country diplomatically and economically. Russia’s
currency, the ruble, plummeted on the news that the United States would impose
sanctions on the country’s Central Bank, a first for a G20 member nation.
Russia’s push toward Ukraine’s capital, Kyiv, has advanced
slower than many military experts initially predicted. Early reporting has
indicated that the Ukrainian military and volunteer forces have held up
significantly better than expected, and Russia’s apparent belief in a swift
tactical victory seems to have been misplaced, at least for the moment. Despite
the Ukrainians’ ability to repel the early attacks, most still believe that if Russia is committed to taking the
capital, it’s just a matter of time. On Monday, the Russian military unleashed
“multiple-launch rocket fire against residential neighborhoods in Kharkiv,
killing at least 10 civilians,” according to The Wall Street Journal.
Russia’s use of cluster munitions in Kharkiv could be a signal of what’s to come, especially if its
military continues to face stiffer opposition than expected. Experts worry that
Russia may enter a new phase of the invasion, one specifically designed to terrorize and demoralize Ukrainian
civilians. Some U.S. officials have claimed that Russian President Vladimir Putin is
growing “increasingly frustrated” with the campaign, and may order an
escalation of the violence.
Of particular concern is that Putin may pursue similar
tactics to those his military used in defense of their close ally, Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, following that country’s revolution during the Arab
uprisings. Both Russia and the Syrian government deployed cluster munitions widely, in addition to
subjecting Syrian civilians to chemical attacks and prolonged sieges of heavily
populated cities.
The Convention on Cluster Munitions, which went into effect
in 2010 under the authority of the United Nations, has had some success
in stigmatizing the use of the weapons. Signatories to the
convention have also taken steps to destroy their existing stockpiles, a major
step towards lessening their use.
Still, the weapons have continued to be used. Beyond Syria
and Yemen, cluster munitions have been used in Ukraine by Russian-backed
militants, as well as in Cambodia, Sudan and South Sudan. Russia and Georgia
also each used the weapons in their conflict in 2008,
which some now see as Putin’s template for Ukraine.
The U.S.’s approach to cluster munitions has been entirely inadequate, even as the government and military have limited
their use and sale in recent years. Prior to the 2009 U.S. strike in Yemen,
which killed 41 civilians, the last U.S. use of the weapons was in the 2003 invasion of
Iraq.
In 2008, the outgoing George W. Bush administration, facing
international pressure due in large part to the emerging cluster weapons ban,
issued a new policy prohibiting the U.S. military from using
cluster munitions that failed to explode at a rate greater than 1 percent by
2018. That decision resulted “in essence, [in] banning all but a tiny fraction
of the existing arsenal,” according to Mary Wareham, arms division advocacy
director at Human Rights Watch. In 2017, however, then-President Donald Trump
overrode that policy, replacing it with the much looser conditions under
which the weapons could be used. Trump allowed commanders to deploy the
existing stockpiles “until sufficient quantities” of “enhanced and more
reliable” bombs could be researched and developed. President Joe Biden has left
that policy in place, despite heavy criticism from the human rights community.
According to the Cluster Munition Monitor, which tracks the
use of the weapons, the United States no longer produces cluster bombs, though
China and Russia are developing new generations of the weapons. Although the consensus in the human rights community is that the
weapons are impossible to use in accordance with the laws of war, are
inherently immoral and do not create a battlefield advantage to justify their
myriad drawbacks, that perspective is not shared by some in the U.S. military,
who have continued to
argue for their use to slow or disrupt large-scale “enemy” movements by
militaries across a wide space.
But the reality is that when cluster bombs have been used,
in practice, they are used against civilians. They kill indiscriminately. And
when they fail to explode in the heat of battle, they kill civilians years
later.
Russia’s use of the weapons is horrific, unjustifiable and
inexcusable. The United States can and should do more to stigmatize and lessen
the global use of cluster munitions, first and foremost by revoking Trump’s
2017 policy and then by joining the treaty that bans their use.
Truthout.org
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