“There has been much talk of late, not least
from the estimable David Frum, of America as a failed state. It ill behooves
those who, like Frum, within living memory, counted themselves Republicans, to
make such claims without a very large dose of mea culpa. The
pandemic has indeed revealed America’s government to be sclerotic and its
social fabric to be tissue thin, undermined by grotesque levels of inequality
and poverty, structured by generations of institutional racism, and exacerbated
by a patchy and wholly inadequate ‘safety net.’
“The health care system, it
emerges, is not a ‘system’ at all but an economic sector, made up of individual
profit centers, hard to co-ordinate at the best of times, let alone under
Trump; parts of that system are going bankrupt because they can’t perform the
elective surgeries that alone keep them going. The Federal government is made
up of rival bureaucracies and centers of power created over decades, always
been devilishly hard to co-ordinate. The division of functions and powers
between the states and the Federal Government is entirely unclear, bedeviled by
decades of politically divisive debates about states’ rights…
“For the Federal Government has been
decapitated by the serial refusal of its notional head of state even to try to
make the government function. The tragic consequences of having government run
by people who do not believe in it, or understand, what it is for, still less
how it works, is not a new experience for this country… Trump has turned
the Federal Government into a slush fund that he can use to reward his friends
and allies and punish his enemies.
“This distortion applies to the
half-trillion-dollar give away to corporate interests and to the distribution
of tests and PPE. Hence the absurd Federal effort to seize such materials from
the states so they can be given back again as political favors. That is what
the idiot Kushner meant when he talked about ‘our’ stocks of material; ‘our’
referred not to the Federal Government but rather to the Trump faction within
the White House, of which (ludicrously) Kushner appears to be the eminence grise.
“I am not surprised that young Jarrod is
only let out on his own every few months, since he spends nearly all of his
time in the public eye with his foot jammed firmly in his mouth. After all, in
this same briefing he opined that this crisis would soon sort out the competent
elected public officials from the fools and charlatans. Well, out of the mouths
of babes and grafters.
“These machinations are designed to allow
Trump to treat the state governors the way he treated the President of the
Ukraine: dangling stuff the governors need in front of them, until they give
him the approval and co-operation he demands. And if not, not. Cuomo has to
deal with Trump, because Trump has things he needs, so Cuomo has intermittently
to stroke Trump’s ego. Since he has to do that on television otherwise it does
not count in Trump-world, Trump then gets to edit the Cuomo highlights into
what is in effect a campaign ad, funded by tax payer money and
distributed free of charge on all the major networks though the daily White
House press briefings.
“In short, having tried to turn American
foreign policy into a sort of protection racket, Trump is doing the same thing
to domestic policy in a time of national crisis… As we have learned, Trump’s
aim is to minimize blame and to take whatever credit is available. There is
surely a good case to be made that he currently resists mass testing because it
would reveal how bad things are – remember the classic Trumpian line ‘I like
the numbers where they are.’
“No doubt Trump wants to keep the number of
reported cases down to enhance the rationale for ‘reopening the economy’ and
therefore his chances of re-election. But since that strategy is doomed to fail
unless and until the pandemic is brought under control, there is a sub-text
here, if possibly not fully realized by Trump, now sunk in bleach-drinking
magical thinking, and obsessed by the polls, then certainly known to the more
sentient members of his clique and to bought-in leaders of the Republican
Party.
“They are gambling, it seems to me, that, over
time, the fear and anxiety caused by the pandemic will be eclipsed by the fear,
anxiety, anger, and desperation caused by the lock down. That pervasive panic
will enable a populist campaign to be run against the purveyors of said lock
down now identified with certain Democratic governors and various denizens of
the ‘deep state,’ i.e. anybody who knows what they are talking about.
“This desperate strategy gives Republicans an
interest in sustaining the economic misery of most Americans, which their
campaign to minimize relief efforts at the Federal level is well on the way to
furthering. As are the dysfunctional unemployment programs created by
Republicans in many states (for example, the system currently in place in
Florida was recently described by a Republican as
having been ‘designed to fail’).
“Even the localized ‘reopening’ of the economy
will actually serve to stop many people from claiming unemployment, and small
businesses from claiming the already inadequate financial aid available to
them. It’s a safe prediction that Americans will refuse to flock back to
cinemas, restaurants, gyms, barbershops, massage parlors, and bars in
sufficient numbers to sustain those businesses. Many of them, deprived of
government aid by the very fact that they are open, will slowly go
bankrupt.
“A related hope
is that the Republicans can diminish the Democratic vote not only by the means
they’ve used to such effect in past elections, but also by relying on the virus
to keep some voters away from the polls on Election Day, and on the closure of
various DMV and other government offices to prevent people either from
registering to vote or gaining the sort of ID many states now require to
vote. Think about a mixture of Georgia under Kemp, Florida first
under Scott and then DeSantis, and most recently Wisconsin under a Republican
legislature superintended by a Republican judiciary.
“All of the above
is accompanied by an assault on the financial stability of the states. Mitch
McConnell, having made sure to pay out vast sums to the corporate interests
that fund his party, now urges bankruptcy on states and municipalities.
Presumably many of these statements are posturing – ‘Blue state bail out,’
anyone? After all what would any serious politician do, in the midst of a
depression and a pandemic but troll his political opponents and fire up his
base? But his invective is not merely rhetoric. Forcing certain states into
bankruptcy has been a Republican goal for decades (not a default on bonds, but
a default on state workers and their pension benefits).
“What is certain is
that, having inflated the Federal deficit with a tax cut targeted to benefit the
very rich, Republicans will now revert to type, deploying the rhetoric of
fiscal responsibility to ensure, at the very least, that the states remain in
fiscal jeopardy, and consequently that the capacities of wealthy blue states
like New York and California deteriorate, while also blaming those same states
for the consequences.
“We are now
seeing active collusion between the ‘populist’ demonstrations in the states and
the workings of high politics, collusion partly constituted through the
activities, influence, and money of various billionaire Trump supporters and
Republican donors, and the agit-prop organizations they fund. This alliance is
busily bussing people to the demos, while boasting that the re-run of the Tea
Party will get Trump over the line in November.
“A great deal of this business
is being transacted in plain sight, not merely by the ever tweeting, ever
briefing Trump and by the trolling McConnell, but, God save us, by the Attorney
General of the United States. The egregious Barr has recently brought his
performance of owl-faced, jowl-wobbling, lawyerly gravitas and bottom – a sort
of Rumpole-of-the-Bailey meets Lee Attwater tribute act – to bear on the
protest movement, which, like some of the protestors themselves, he has now
chosen to frame in terms of ‘liberty,’ rather than of public health.
“Barr has
promised to add the weight of the Justice Department to private suits brought
against governors he deems to have gone too far in supporting stay-at-home
measures. This stance will incite the same groups who are behind the protests
to go to law against governors seeking to protect the public in the midst of
the greatest heath crisis in a century; those groups will be able to do so safe
in the knowledge that the Justice Department will have their back. Barr may
come off like an establishment lawyer, but he is, in fact, playing a cross
between a partisan spin doctor and a Jacobin demagogue, and he has been doing
so almost from the moment he took office.
“One might add in passing that this would be a
good moment for those Democrats who voted to confirm Barr because he was an
‘institutionalist’ to consider some form of, if not public penance, then at
least private reflection. The same goes for those members of the commentariat
who, until recently, kept expressing surprise and dismay about what had
happened to the Bill Barr they once knew.
“Barr was never someone who just loves
the Justice Department and the rule of law, but rather a religious fanatic with
views on Presidential prerogative and church and state so extreme that they
would not have withstood public scrutiny, had he been subjected to any. Since
Barr’s opinions on such topics were a matter of public record at the time of
his confirmation, none of this is
surprising.
“For Barr is an
‘institutionalist’ in precisely the same way that McConnell is; that is to say,
they both know their way around the institutions they currently lead well
enough to be able fundamentally to subvert them from within, while bending them
to their own wholly partisan purposes. For both of them, that process of
subversion represents the height of their personal and political ambitions, and
a fitting (and entirely logical) end to their wholly destructive careers in
public life.
“All of which, plus the tax cut and a generation’s worth of judges,
makes enduring the clammily corrupting embrace of Trump, with whom, in normal
circumstances, neither of them would presumably want anything to do, a price
worth paying.
“It is all very
well for various liberal commentators to happy talk their way through poll
evidence that shows extraordinarily high support for the lock down, and going
on and on about the ‘chaos’ and confusion at the heart of the Trump
administration. Those observations are true enough. But the poll evidence shows
emerging differences between Republicans and Democrats on these issues, and the
Republicans are playing the long game.
“If the demonstrations remain restricted
to Confederate-flag-wearing gun nuts, wide eyed libertarians committed to their
inalienable right to go fishing or get their hair done in the midst of a
pandemic, those protests will not matter much. But the current round of
demonstrations are intended to lay a seed. If and when people, confronted by
ever deeper debt, hunger, and destitution, get desperate and join in in ever
greater numbers, which, if the lock down goes on over the summer, as it must
and will, might well happen, then we will be in a very different place. And
that is the calculation currently in place on the Republican side.
“As for the chaos
of the Trump regime, that is undeniable. Trump’s latest attempt to turn his
following into a literal suicide cult through his ‘cup of disinfectant a day
keeps the virus away’ wheeze is only the latest and worst example of a
volatility rendered chronic by the impact of a crisis he cannot understand.
Indeed, his current melt down represents the best hope we have that he will not
be re-elected. But beneath the usual U-turns and the stream of contradictory,
self-serving bilge, there is a pattern emerging, across the Administration and
among its Republican allies in the country, the Congress and on the extreme and
not so extreme right.
“This convergence
is not the result of a conspiracy; I very much doubt that there is a Trump
Central in which Kushner, or Meadows, or whoever, pulls the levers of power and
patronage, and everyone jumps. After all, this is the Trump administration we
are talking about. But there is a Trumpian agenda and a mode of communication,
that is now well established, and what we are seeing is different political
actors, already connected through various ideological affinities and
institutional and personal links, reacting to the same situation in terms of
that same agenda.
“In writing about the Third Reich, the historian Ian Kershaw
coined the term ‘working towards the Fuhrer’ to evoke a situation in which the
central regime had been reduced to a ruck of warring factions, bureaucratic
interests, and ambitious ideologues and parasites, all of whom were engaged in
a struggle to win the favor of the Leader by anticipating and gratifying his
desires.
“It is well known that Trump has reduced the White House and the upper
reaches of the Federal Government to just such a bear pit, and staffed it, as
far as he can, with sycophants and careerists committed to giving him at least
a version of what he wants. In this situation even the likes of doctors Birx
and Fauci have (occasionally) to genuflect to the great leader’s
pronouncements, even in Birx’s case going on Fox News to produce an indulgent
den-mother apologia for his latest farcical excursion into medical science. (He
is so interested and cares so much, etc. etc.)
“What we see here is a prime
example of working towards Trump. (Let me add that I am NOT comparing Trump to
Hitler, merely adopting Kershaw’s useful phrase to characterize a certain style
of rule, a mode of policy- and decision-making that is clearly visible in
Trump’s regime.)
“There may be no centralized conspiracy, no
commonly agreed plan, no single e-mail chain leading to the basement of the
White House. Just as with the Russia ‘collusion’ business, I am sure that,
while there is much incriminating material, much of it already in plain sight –
remember ‘Russia, if you’re listening’ – there may well be no evidence of a
smoking gun sort. However, there is a pattern,
even a strategy, emerging, and we would be well advised to acknowledge as much…”
Peter Lake is a professor of history at
Vanderbilt University.
