Day One of Trump 2.0 was full of
shock and awful, precisely what we had every reason to expect. In classic
fashion, there was so much, and it was so all over the board that it was hard
to focus on any one thing. I wrote to you about that back in November when I
first started thinking about The Democracy Index (starting soon on The
Contrarian).
At the time, I wrote about how
hard it was during his first administration to focus on any one thing Trump was
doing because there was so much going on that no one could keep all of it at
the forefront, and after a while, outrage fatigue sets in, and people give
up. Yesterday was a perfect example of that.
What we cannot afford to do this
time is let Trump‘s daily scandal prevent us from keeping track of the most
significant trends in his attack on democracy. Once The Democracy Index gets up
and running, we’ll be tracking the issues and marking the through lines that
let us understand the whole, rather than just seeing each day’s individual
horrible.
Yesterday was stark because of
the sheer volume of things that happened: the inauguration itself, the pardons
from both Biden and Trump, and the executive orders and other presidential
actions. There is no way to cover everything all at once in meaningful
detail.
But we’ll focus on them as
lawsuits and governmental action proceed, and we see which of Trump’s executive
orders look like they may lead to action, and which look more like pure
political posturing. For today, we’ll just stay high level.
You can see a list and follow
links to all of Trump’s executive orders here. Despite saying he’d sign around 200 of them, the
actual total was 26, compared to nine first day orders by Joe Biden and one by
Trump in his prior presidency. That gives you some sense of how prepared Trump
and his Project 2025 friends were.
Executive orders are not a magic
wand, though. The president can only use them to direct activity within the
executive branch, he can’t make other entities, or private businesses,
universities, podcasters, individuals or anyone/thing else that isn’t an executive
branch entity or actor comply with his dictates.
That’s one big limitation on his
ability to act. Orders have to be in compliance with the Constitution and
federal laws. They can’t just, say, undo a Constitutional protection for
birthright citizenship. If they do, they’ll be challenged in federal court,
which, at a minimum, involves a sizable delay.
By midnight last night, the
lawsuits had already started, with challenges to birthright citizenship,
Schedule F, and DOGE coming out of the starting gate. By this afternoon, 22
states had sued Trump over his unconstitutional effort to end birthright
citizenship with the stroke of a pen, and other lawsuits, like one brought by
pregnant women whose babies will be denied citizenship, have been filed
too.
As in the first Trump
administration, the lawyers are back at it, and despite the favorable treatment
the Supreme Court gave Trump when it came to personal immunity from criminal
prosecution and its disturbing decisions when it came to abortion, there is
reason to be cautiously optimistic here. Writing birthright citizenship out of
the Constitution would require an amendment, not a president’s whim. If you’d
like a brief explanation of why Trump should lose on birthright citizenship, I
have a piece here.
Three sets of lawsuits initiated
against President Trump's executive actions: Birthright citizenship (Rebecca
Beitsch reporting) Schedule F (@courtneyrozen.bsky.social) DOGE
(@joshgerstein.bsky.social @kyledcheney.bsky.social) Covered in this
morning's Early Edition roundup by @justsecurity.org
The most profound
abuse yesterday was the pardons Trump issued to reward January
6 offenders for their loyalty to him. I wrote about why it would be such a bad idea for
Trump to do this for the Brennan Center earlier this month. It erases the
attack on our Constitution and our country.
The purpose of that attack was
Donald Trump’s personal benefit, helping him stay in power after losing the
election, contrary to every principle of American democracy. The Founding
Fathers did not extend the pardon power to the president so he could use it to
reward political loyalists who turned to violence to try and overturn the
results of an election on his behalf.
But that’s exactly what Trump
did, commuting sentences for fourteen members of the Proud Boys and the Oath
Keepers who were convicted in the cases where seditious conspiracy charges were
brought successfully by the Justice Department.
My piece relies on reporting
compiled by NBC’s Ryan Reilly, who documented, using available video, that
these defendants were captured brandishing and using firearms, stun guns, flagpoles, fire extinguishers, bike racks, batons, a metal whip, office furniture, pepper spray, bear spray, a tomahawk ax, a hatchet, a hockey stick, knuckle gloves, a baseball bat, a massive Trump billboard, Trump flags, a pitchfork, pieces of lumber, crutches, and even an explosive device during the attack on the
Capitol.
More than 140 police officers
were injured, and members of Congress fled the building in fear for their
lives.
So much for Vice President JD Vance’s claim over the weekend that:
“If you committed violence on that day, obviously you shouldn't be pardoned.”
Trump’s attorney general nominee, Pam Bondi, said during her confirmation
hearings that she couldn’t take a position on pardons because she would need to
look at each file individually. That didn’t happen. These defendants were
released from prison with little, if any, preparation and no regard for their
offense on January 6, prior criminal history, behavior while incarcerated,
or threat to anyone in the community upon release.
The QAnon shaman is thrilled
about his pardon.
Trump’s inaugural speech set the stage for all of
this. He lies, panders, and rambles when he talks to the public, but a few key
points illustrate where Trump is headed. He may have said he was interested in
being a unifier before the inauguration, but that wasn’t what we got yesterday:
- Trump: “For many years, a radical and corrupt
establishment has extracted power and wealth from our citizens while the
pillars of our society lay broken and seemingly in complete disrepair.” He
said that, presumably about Joe Biden, who pulled the country out of the
Covid slump and handed over what is widely viewed as the best economy in
the world with unemployment at a low and inflation under control to Trump.
And Trump talk about people who extracted power and wealth from “our
citizens” with all of the brogliarchs in the room.
- “My life was spared for a reason. I was saved by God
to make America great again.”
- “We will not forget our country. We will not forget
our Constitution. And we will not forget our God,” Trump said before
launching into his plans for executive orders that ignore all of those
things.
None of this is normal, and it’s
our job to keep it from being normalized. Presidents don’t try to erase the
Constitution or turn the federal bureaucracy into a loyalty corp. They don’t
release violent criminals from prison so they can return the favor. As the
examples grow, our job is to refuse to treat them like they’re acceptable.
Trump’s abuses have to remain shocking, not because they surprise us, but
because they are profoundly unacceptable and contrary to democratic principles.
Trump wants us to abandon those
principles. The easiest slide into autocracy is the one where we give up.
Continuing to believe in democracy is a profound act of resistance and courage
in a moment like this when we are being told it no longer matters.
Don’t give up.
We’re in this together,
-Joyce Vance
Among the most outspoken was
former Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell (Kentucky), who told Semafor: “No one should excuse violence. And
particularly violence against police officers.”
Sen. Bill Cassidy (Louisiana)
offered similar comments, telling reporters, “People who assault police
officers, if they do the crime, they should do the time.”
“I’m disappointed to see that,
and I do fear the message that is sent to these great men and women that stood
by us,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) said, referring to the Capitol Police
officers who were assaulted.
Sen. Thom Tillis (North Carolina)
added: “Anybody who is convicted of assault on a police officer, I can’t get
there, at all. I think it was a bad idea.”
-The Washington Post
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