Since the onset of Israel’s deadly assault on
Gaza and the West Bank after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack, debates have arisen among historians and
media pundits about Martin Luther King Jr.’s stance on Israel and its conflicts
with Palestinians.
Some claim King was a fierce Zionist and point to his speech on
Mar. 25, 1968, before the annual convention of the Rabbinical Assembly.
“Peace for Israel means security, and we must
stand with all of our might to protect its right to exist, its territorial
integrity,” King said. “I see Israel as one of the great outposts of democracy
in the world, and a marvelous example of what can be done, how desert land
almost can be transformed into an oasis of brotherhood and democracy.”
Others, like American-Israeli scholar Martin
Kramer, have pointed to King’s views on Palestinian rights to their homeland.
During a 1967 interview with ABC News, shortly after Israel launched the Six-Day War against Egypt, Syria and
Jordan and seized control of land in Gaza and the West Bank, King said that
Israel should return Palestinian lands.
“I think for the ultimate peace and security
of the situation it will probably be necessary for Israel to give up this
conquered territory, because to hold on to it will only exacerbate the tensions
and deepen the bitterness of the Arabs,” he said.
As a scholar who researches social movements,
racial politics and democracy, I believe there is a larger story beyond King’s
stance on Israel and Palestinians. That story is on King’s views of war – and
his courage to stand for peace.
This is the story of the anti-war King who
understood that violence begets violence and that the
political courage to speak for peace is essential to democracy.
Breaking his silence
For King, joining the peace movement was
tantamount to walking a political tightrope. On one hand, the Civil Rights
Movement had a great supporter in U.S. President
Lyndon B. Johnson, who signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
But LBJ was also at the heart of the escalation of the war in Vietnam, and
many believed King’s anti war statements could and
would be used against him.
The U.S. government’s hypocrisy in supporting
the Vietnam War was not lost on King. In 1965, 61% of Americans supported U.S. military
involvement.
At the same time, King was asking hard
questions about Johnson’s wartime decision-making and unmet promises of social
uplift through his Great Society programs. King wondered how
a nation could drop tons of bombs and napalm on civilians in the name of peace and freedom while
violently subjugating its own Black citizens.
How could a nation spend so much money on a
war, King asked, when it could not feed or protect its own people?
“The promises of the Great Society have been
shot down on the battlefield of Vietnam,” King said in a speech in Beverly Hills on
Feb. 25, 1967. “Billions are liberally expended for this ill-considered war. …
The security we profess to seek in foreign adventures we will lose in our
decaying cities. The bombs in Vietnam explode at home. They destroy the hopes
and possibilities for a decent America.”
The Johnson administration argued that
military force was essential to protect South Vietnam from the encroachment of
communism from the north. As Johnson saw it, North Vietnam and its National
Liberation Front were a threat to democracy in Southeast Asia.
King’s advisers pleaded with him not to speak
out and argued that the political costs would be too high. Most importantly,
they reminded King that there was more than enough work to do in the U.S. to
end poverty and secure equal rights for Black citizens.
But King ultimately broke with his advisers
and President Johnson. By 1967, King followed the lead of his wife – and
anti-war activist – Coretta Scott King and began speaking
out.
In March 1967, King led his first anti-war
march in Chicago. At the rally, he called on peace activists to
organize “as effectively as the war hawks.”
A month later, on April 4, 1967, King gave the
speech at the Riverside Church in New York City that changed the course of the
last year of his life – “Beyond Vietnam − A Time to Break the Silence.”
In that revolutionary speech, King described how he
was morally compelled to speak out against the war.
In the days and weeks after, he would lose
masses of supporters, Black and white alike. He lost hard-earned political
allies, including President Johnson. King was
also shunned and denounced by 168 newspapers that questioned King’s
failure to condemn the enemy, fueling long-standing rumors about communist
ties.
Saving the soul of America
King had no regrets. He understood the
difficulty of speaking out against the war. “Even when pressed by the demands
of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their
government’s policy, especially in time of war,” he said.
For King, a preacher at heart, silence had
become betrayal. Calling the U.S “the greatest purveyor of violence
today,” King said the soul of America “can never be saved so long as it
destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.” He warned that America had
lost moral authority abroad and derided “the deadly Western arrogance that has
poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.”
King pointed to the role of the U.S. in
prohibiting the realization of “a revolutionary government seeking
self-determination” in Vietnam.
Most poignantly in that 1967 speech at
Riverside Church, King detailed the devastating costs of the Vietnam War and
described the millions of children and women who were killed by American bombs
and bullets and the poor masses who were spared slaughter only to face a slow,
painful death by disease and starvation.
Then King turned to the so-called “enemy,” the
North Vietnamese. “Even if we do not condone their actions,” King said in the
speech, “surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their
violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction
simply dwarf their greatest acts.” Then King called for a cease-fire.
The fight for justice and humanity
King’s words resonate today. Unlike in
King’s time, 61% of potential voters support a permanent cease-fire between
Israel and Hamas. Anti-war protests abound across the nation and around the world.
How can the U.S., as King would ask the
nation, move forward from here?
In the 1960s, King grappled with this very
question. On the one hand, he felt a deep solidarity with the Jewish struggle
against persecution, and on the other hand, he rejected the violent occupation
of Palestinian lands that would run counter to the noble cause.
He saw resolution through a commitment to
breaking cycles of violence and practicing radical peace, “a worldwide
fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class, and
nation.”
Nearly 60 years later, the fight for King’s
“radical revolution of values,” where human life and dignity were the most
valued, still rages. But as the life of King reminds us, speaking out for
justice can be costly. Yet he would also say that the cost of remaining silent
is far greater.
-Hajar Yazdiha, Assistant Professor of Sociology, USC Dornsife College of
Letters, Arts and Science
The Conversation
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