Trump’s designation of the amorphous group antifa, which
has no formal organization or structure, as a terrorist organization permits
the state to charge us all as terrorists. The point is not to go after members
of antifa, short for anti-fascist. It is to go after the last vestiges of
dissent. When Barack Obama oversaw the coordinated national campaign to shut
down the Occupy encampments, antifa -- so named because they dress in black,
obscure their faces, move as a unified mass and seek physical confrontations
with police – was the excuse.
"I am pleased to inform our many U.S.A. Patriots
that I am designating ANTIFA, A SICK, DANGEROUS, RADICAL LEFT DISASTER, AS A
MAJOR TERRORIST ORGANIZATION," the president wrote in a Truth
Social post. "I will also be strongly recommending that those
funding ANTIFA be thoroughly investigated in accordance with the highest legal
standards and practices. Thank you for your attention to this matter!"
I have no love for antifa. The feeling is mutual. I was a
fierce opponent of the Black
Bloc anarchists who identified with antifa. They embedded themselves
in Occupy encampments and refused to take part in the collective decision
making. They carried out property destruction and initiated clashes with the
police. Occupy activists were antifa’s human shields. I wrote that antifa was
“a gift from heaven to the security and surveillance state.”
David Graeber, whose work I respect, wrote an open letter criticizing
my position.
I was doxed. My lectures and events, which received phone
threats forcing venues to hire private security, including bodyguards, were
picketed by men dressed in black, their faces were covered by black bandanas.
They all carried the same sign, no matter which city I was in, that read: “Fuck
You Chris Hedges.” During a debate with an anarchist supporter of antifa in New
York City, several dozen black-clad men in the audience jeered and interrupted
me, often yelling out sarcastically “amen.”
The state effectively used antifa -- I am certain antifa
was heavily infiltrated with agents provocateurs -- to shut
all of us down. The corporate state feared the broad appeal of the Occupy
movement, including to those within the systems of power. The movement was
targeted because it articulated a truth about our economic and political system
that cut across political and cultural lines.
Antifa, let me be clear, is not a terrorist organization.
It may confuse acts of petty vandalism and a repellent cynicism with
revolution, but its designation as a terrorist organization has no legal
justification.
Antifa sees any group that seeks to rebuild social
structures, especially through nonviolent acts of civil disobedience, as the
enemy. They oppose all organized movements, which only ensures their own
powerlessness. They are not only obstructionist, but obstructionist to those of
us who are also trying to resist. They dismiss anyone who lacks their
ideological purity. It does not matter if individuals are part of union
organizing, workers’ and populist movements or radical intellectuals and
environmental activists. These anarchists are an example of what Theodore
Roszak in “The
Making of a Counter Culture” called the “progressive adolescentization” of
the American left.
John Zerzan,
one of the principal ideologues of the Black Bloc movement in the United
States, defended “Industrial Society and Its Future,” the rambling manifesto by
Theodore Kaczynski, known as the Unabomber, although he did not endorse
Kaczynski’s bombings. Zerzan dismisses a long list of supposed “sellouts”
starting with Noam Chomsky and including myself.
Black Bloc activists in cities such as Oakland smashed the windows of stores and looted them. It was not a strategic, moral or tactical act. It was done for the sake of destruction. Random acts of violence, looting and vandalism are justified, in the jargon of the movement, as components of “feral” or “spontaneous insurrection.”
These acts, the movement
argues, can never be organized. Organization, in the thinking of the movement,
implies hierarchy, which must always be opposed. There can be no restraints on
“feral” or “spontaneous” acts of insurrection. Whoever gets hurt gets hurt.
Whatever gets destroyed gets destroyed.
“The Black Bloc movement is infected with a deeply
disturbing hypermasculinity,” I wrote. “This hypermasculinity, I expect, is its
primary appeal. It taps into the lust that lurks within us to destroy, not only
things but human beings. It offers the godlike power that comes with mob
violence. Marching as a uniformed mass, all dressed in black to become part of
an anonymous bloc, faces covered, temporarily overcomes alienation, feelings of
inadequacy, powerlessness and loneliness. It imparts to those in the mob a
sense of comradeship. It permits an inchoate rage to be unleashed on any
target. Pity, compassion and tenderness are banished for the intoxication of
power. It is the same sickness that fuels the swarms of police who pepper-spray
and beat peaceful demonstrators. It is the sickness of soldiers in war. It
turns human beings into beasts.”
But while I oppose antifa, I do not blame them for the state’s response. If it was not antifa it would be some other group. Our rapidly consolidating police state will use any mechanism to silence us. It actually welcomes violence.
Confrontational tactics and destruction of property
justify draconian forms of control and frighten the wider population, driving
them away from any resistance movement. It needs antifa or a group like it.
Once a resistance movement is successfully smeared as a flag-burning, rock-throwing,
angry mob — which those in the Trump administration are working hard to do — we
are finished. If we become isolated, we can be crushed.
“Nonviolent movements, on some level, embrace police
brutality,” I wrote. “The continuing attempt by the state to crush peaceful
protesters who call for simple acts of justice delegitimizes the power elite.
It prompts a passive population to respond. It brings some within the
structures of power to our side and creates internal divisions that will lead
to paralysis within the network of authority. Martin Luther King kept holding
marches in Birmingham because he knew Public Safety Commissioner ‘Bull’ Connor was
a thug who would overreact.”
“The explosive rise of the Occupy Wall Street movement
came when a few women, trapped behind orange mesh netting, were pepper-sprayed
by NYPD Deputy Inspector Anthony Bologna,” I went on. “The violence and cruelty
of the state were exposed. And the Occupy movement, through its steadfast
refusal to respond to police provocation, resonated across the country. Losing
this moral authority, this ability to show through nonviolent protest the
corruption and decadence of the corporate state, would be crippling to the
movement. It would reduce us to the moral degradation of our oppressors. And
that is what our oppressors want.”
I saw how antifa was weaponized to break the Occupy
movement. Now it is being weaponized to throttle any resistance, no matter how
tepid and benign.
This justification for widespread repression is absurdist
theater, characterized by fictions, including the supposed “Red-Green” alliance
of Islamists and the “radical left.” Stephen Miller, Trump’s top policy
adviser, insists there was an “organized campaign” behind the assassination of
Charlie Kirk, whose martyrdom has
turbocharged state repression. Any Trump opponent, including billionaire
financier George Soros and his Open Society Foundations, will soon be caught in
the net.
We are all antifa now.
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