Of
Course This Supreme Court Ended Roe v. Wade by Doing Nothing.
The
conservative justices excel at overturning precedent without admitting it. This
time, they didn’t have to say a word.
Perhaps it was inevitable that
this Supreme Court would overturn Roe v. Wade, not with
a momentous majority opinion, but by doing nothing. That’s all it took for the
Supreme Court to let Texas’ six-week abortion ban take effect on Sept. 1:
silence. As the clock ticked toward midnight, and anti-abortion
protesters gathered outside Texas
clinics to harass patients and staff, the justices kept mum. A few hours later,
the country woke up to its post-Roe future.
At
this moment, any person can sue anyone who
“aids or abets” an abortion that takes place in Texas after six weeks of
pregnancy—which is when more than 85 percent of abortions are performed—for a
minimum of $10,000, plus attorneys’ fees. Any person can sue a clinic that
performs these abortions and obtain a court order shutting it down.
There
is now a $10,000 bounty on the heads of every individual who facilitates
abortion, including friends, family members, counselors, even clergy who
support a patient’s decision to terminate. Anyone who forms the mere intent to
“abet” an abortion may be sued, even if they do not follow through. Texas
devised a devious workaround to Roe by threatening abortion
patients’ entire support network with bankruptcy. And the Supreme Court let it
happen.
How
did we get here? The answer can be boiled down to two names: Brett Kavanaugh
and Amy Coney Barrett. Both justices are significantly more conservative than
their predecessors—in Barrett’s case, the polar opposite—and both are
comfortable manipulating the court’s procedures to
reach radical results. At the same time, both justices excel in overruling precedent without acknowledging it.
SCOTUS has already taken a case that
will probably gut abortion rights by June 2022.
But
with its new law, Texas handed Kavanaugh and Barrett a gift: They could
eviscerate Roe months earlier without writing a single word.
The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals did the dirty work for SCOTUS
by preventing a
federal judge from blocking the ban or even holding a hearing on its
constitutionality. All the justices had to do was nothing.
The
court’s inaction is especially galling in light of its aggressive intervention
in cases it deems important. SCOTUS has treated case after case as an emergency
in need of immediate resolution. It raced to block blue states’ COVID
restrictions, it ended the CDC’s eviction moratorium in the midst of the delta
surge, and it continually cleared away lower court decisions blocking Donald
Trump’s extreme cutbacks on legal immigration.
To
the conservative justices, these policies qualified as an
emergency. Texas’ abortion ban, it seems, does not. By refusing to lift a
finger, the Supreme Court has telegraphed to the states that it does not view
an illegal assault on abortion rights as a pressing matter requiring immediate
attention. It gave the green light to impatient red states that won’t wait for SCOTUS
to reverse precedent. These states can pass blatantly unconstitutional laws,
persuade far-right judges not to block them, and count on the Supreme Court to
stay out of it.
In
February, Cardozo Law professor and Strict Scrutiny co-host
Kate Shaw mused that the Supreme
Court might “overrule Roe in the shadow docket,” adding that
“right now, there’s nothing stopping them but potentially public opinion and
blowback.” After Texas’ law took effect, though, there was remarkably little
blowback outside the small world of lawyers, commentators, and advocates
laser-focused on reproductive rights. Initially, the New York Times and the
Washington Post treated the court’s inaction as a below-the-fold story.
It
took several hours on Wednesday morning
for much of the media to catch up with the fact that SCOTUS allowed a state to
ban abortion. And this, we can assume, is exactly how the
conservative justices wanted to end Roe: not with a bang, or even a
whimper, but with silence, confusion, and queasy uncertainty.
Within
a few hours or days, the Supreme Court will likely issue an order in this case.
By that point, clinics will have canceled hundreds, if not thousands, of
patients’ appointments. So much damage has already been done, and we do not
even know which justices to blame. There is presumably some battle raging
behind the scenes at SCOTUS, dueling opinions flying back and forth between
each wing of the court.
But
we will not see it. We do not even get the transparency of oral arguments and
full briefing. The court has chosen to deal with this case in the dark. And it
could not be bothered to reach a resolution before the fallout from the law
began. No wonder a key proponent of the Texas bill is already boasting that he plans to
introduce identical measures in other GOP-controlled states.
The
conservative majority has spent several years amassing the power to intervene
in any legal dispute that catches its eye. It has transformed the shadow docket
into a roving veto.
On Tuesday night,
faced with a clear-cut violation of a nearly 50-year precedent—the rare
instance of a state flouting constitutional precedent and getting away with it
in the lower courts—the conservative justices declined to exercise this power.
At a bare minimum, the monumental conflict over reproductive autonomy deserved
a full and fair hearing in open court. Instead, the Supreme Court has let an
established constitutional right die in the shadows.
Florida is presently working on an identical anti-abortion bill including the $10,000 bounty to turn in anyone who was aiding or abetting the planning of an abortion. (Yes that would include giving money to a woman to go out of state for an abortion whether the abortion occurred or not.)
ReplyDelete"Madness is rare in individuals - but in groups, parties, nations, and ages it is the rule."
- Friedrich Nietzsche