“...The flag has no meaning ‘regardless’
of politics, or above politics; its heritage is not exempt from history. Anyone
can interpret anything any way they want, but if they claim historical sanction
for their interpretation, then they'd best be accurate. And in that sense,
history is clear: There is no revolutionary cause associated with the flag,
other than the right for Southern states to determine how best to subjugate
black people and to perpetuate slavery.
“First sewn in 1861 — there were about
120 created for the war — the flag was flown by the cavalry of P.G.T.
Beauregard, the Confederacy's first duly appointed general, after he took
Manassas, Virginia, in the first Battle of Bull Run.
“After the Civil War, the flag saw
limited (and quite appropriate) use at first: It commemorated the sons of the
South who died during the war. We can easily forgive the families of those who
died for grieving. No account of the Civil War can be complete without noting
how vicious the Union army could be, and how destructive its strategy toward
the end of the war had become. That the cause of the war, once the damned Union
army actually invaded the South and started destroying it, came to be associated with an actual, guns-out defense of
real property and liberties — mainly, the liberty not to die during a war — is
not controversial. That's what happens during wars.
“But never did the flag represent some amorphous concept of
Southern heritage, or Southern pride, or a legacy that somehow includes
everything good anyone ever did south of the Mason-Dixon Line, slavery
excluded. Fast-forward about 100 years, past thousands of lynchings in the
South, past Jim Crow and Plessy v. Ferguson, past the state-sanctioned
economic and political subjugation of black people, and beyond the New Deal
that all too often gave privileges to the white working class to the specific
exclusion of black people.
“In 1948, Strom Thurmond's States'
Rights Party adopted the Battle Flag of Northern Virginia as a symbol of defiance against the federal government.
What precisely required such defiance? The president's powers to enforce civil
rights laws in the South, as represented by the Democratic Party's somewhat
progressive platform on civil rights. Georgia adopted its version of the flag design in 1956 to protest
the Supreme Court's ruling against segregated schools, in Brown v. Board of
Education.
“The flag first flew over the state
capitol in South Carolina in 1962, a year after George Wallace raised it over
the grounds of the legislature in Alabama, quite specifically to link more
aggressive efforts to integrate the South with the trigger of secession 100
years before — namely, the storming of occupied Fort Sumter by federal troops.
Fort Sumter, you might recall, is located at the mouth of Charleston Harbor.
“Opposition to civil rights
legislation, to integration, to miscegenation, to social equality for black
people — these are the major plot points that make up the flag's recent
history. Not Vietnam. Not opposition to Northern culture or values. Not
tourism. Not Obama Care. Not anything else.
“There's only one uncontrived
association that's a step removed from racial subjugation, and it's the initial
post-war use of the flag: to celebrate the victories of the Confederate army
and to mourn those who died while fighting in the Civil War. But today, 150
years later, such flags are best and most appropriate displayed in museums and
at cemeteries.
“It should not be controversial to say
that people should not spend their days mourning relatives they never knew from
a war that ended 150 years ago, especially if that feeling is so paramount that
it outweighs the sense of brotherhood they might feel toward fellow humans who
are alive, and for whom the flag's presence and endorsement by the government
is the personification of the evil of white supremacy.”
From the article, The surprisingly uncomplicated racist history of the Confederate flag by Marc Ambinder
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