Israel’s violence toward its neighbors, long out of control
in its destruction of Gaza, now threatens to open new fronts, involve new
nations, and even drag the United States into direct conflict. Promises of a
ceasefire from the Biden Administration have come to nothing. Soft, behind the
scenes diplomacy has failed to achieve peace.
In response, “Ceasefire,” the first demand of the peace
movement since Israel’s destruction of Gaza began, has evolved. The actions of
the Israeli military and government, the indiscriminate killing of women and
children with US weapons, and appropriate frustration from activists in the
street have created a new demand: an American arms embargo against Israel. For
President Biden and his administration, it may be the only way out of a new
quagmire in the Middle East.
But instead of de-escalating the war and reaching a lasting
peace with the Palestinian people, Netanyahu’s Israeli government is expanding
the war to new fronts. On September 23rd the Israeli Defense Force launched a
barrage of attacks on Lebanon, killing over 600 people and wounding thousands.
It is now threatening a ground invasion. The previous week it
simultaneously detonated electronic devices across Lebanon killing
dozens and maiming thousands, including civilians and children. Commenting on
that attack, former CIA Director and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta
said, “I don’t think there’s any question that it’s a form of
terrorism.” These terror attacks in Lebanon were perpetrated just
one day after a senior Biden advisor warned Netanyahu not to expand the war.
These are only the latest examples of a pattern of escalation
by Israel. In January an Israeli strike killed a top Hezbollah commander in
Beirut, Lebanon. In April Israel destroyed the Iranian embassy in Damascus,
Syria. In late July they assassinated the political leader of Hamas, and lead
negotiator in the ceasefire talks, in Tehran, while he was attending the
inauguration of Iran’s new president. Israel has also escalated the scale of
violence in the West Bank, killing over 500 civilians in the past year and
launching a major military operation there in August.
Israeli officials have recently described their strategy of
expanding the war to include Lebanon as “de-escalation by escalation” – an
oxymoron that flies in the face of the Biden Administration’s long stated goal
to prevent a wider, regional war.
This diplomatic failure on the part of President Biden and
his foreign policy team threatens to drag the United States into another war in
the Middle East. The Pentagon announced that the US is sending additional forces,
adding to the 40,000 US servicemen and women already in the region. Another
aircraft carrier, the USS Truman, and accompanying ships is now headed to the
area to join the USS Abraham Lincoln, sending thousands more sailors to the
region as well, at considerable expense–and risk.
More direct US involvement in Israel’s wars threatens not only those US personnel, but also the political situation at home. A major foreign policy failure so close to the November presidential election could have the effect of bolstering former President Donald Trump’s bid to retake the White House. Trump has consistently criticized Biden for not supporting Israel enough, saying he should let them “finish the job” in Gaza.
No friend to the
Palestinians, Trump even used the term “Palestinian” as an insult and slur on
the debate stage with Biden. Despite repeated signs that the Israeli PM is not
a trustworthy partner for peace, President Biden has failed to use his leverage
to rein him in. In a recent statement Netanyahu declared he will not entertain diplomatic ideas on
Lebanon and will not engage in ceasefire talks for 45 days. The fact
that the statement came 45 days before the US presidential election is a clear
signal of Netanyahu’s political desires and motivations.
So what can Mr. Biden, his administration, and presidential
hopeful VP Harris do? They can change course and finally put their foot down
with Netanyahu and his right-wing government. The planned introduction of a Joint Resolution of Disapproval
by Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont provides an opportunity to do so.
This privileged resolution requires the US Senate to take a vote on the sale of
$20 billion dollars of military equipment to Israel. More than $18 billion
comes in the form of high tech F-15 fighter-bombers, but the sale also includes
tank munitions, mortar shells, and precision bombs.
Biden could preempt the vote by announcing a pause to at
least some weapons to Israel in light of the expanding war he has long opposed
publicly. This move could also shield the Biden Administration from forthcoming reports from inspectors general investigating
human rights violations committed by Israel using US weapons, a breach of US
law.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has certainly given President Biden cause to stop sending US arms to his right wing government. The assault on the people of Gaza is nearing its one-year anniversary. Tens of thousands of Israelis are protesting their government’s failure to get back hostages taken by Hamas during its attack on Israel on October 7th, 2023.
Former Israeli Prime Ministers Barak and Olmert have criticized Netanyahu’s prosecution of the war and
blamed him for strategic failures that led to October 7th. President
Biden could embrace these more reasonable forces in Israel, framing his arms
stoppage as a message to Netanyahu personally and an effort to retrieve the
hostages.
He’s done it before. In one of President Biden’s first
foreign policy moves as president he announced a pause in offensive weapons to Saudi Arabia. The
kingdom had been using such weapons to destroy its neighbor to the south,
Yemen, since 2015. Biden’s move helped pave the way for negotiations leading
to a ceasefire in Yemen that has largely held since 2022. His
example of presidential leadership, while not perfect, illustrates a clear
roadmap.
There’s historical precedent too. Presidents Eisenhower, Reagan, and George H.W. Bush also
leveraged US arms to Israel. Want a ceasefire to end or prevent
humanitarian disaster? Stop providing the fire.
President Biden’s strategy to achieve a ceasefire and end the
destruction of Gaza has, so far, failed. His strategy to prevent a wider war in
the Middle East is currently failing. It’s time for a tougher, clearer tack.
There is still time to prevent the complete destruction of Gaza and to avert
another disastrous regional war. There is time for Biden to avoid a political
blunder that will permanently damage his legacy as president. There is time to
energize young voters and Arab-American and Muslim-American voters who fear a
return of Trumpism but can’t stomach a vote for an administration they see as
complicit in genocide.
But there isn’t much time.
The Not Another Bomb Campaign, launched by the Uncommitted
movement that successfully mobilized over 700,000 voters to express their
discontent with Mr. Biden’s Gaza policy in the Democratic Primary, has the
correct framing. “It is crystal clear: In order to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza,
the U.S. must immediately stop arming Israel.”
Satisfying this new demand can also stop the expansion of
violence into Lebanon, Syria, and Iran, preventing the loss of American lives.
Heeding it might be the only way to stop the horror.
Brian Garvey is Assistant Director of Massachusetts Peace
Action. He is also an active member of the Raytheon Antiwar Campaign.
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