It was quite a chyron from CNN, marking the first time in the history of the
United States that a former president has been charged with federal crimes.
And in this case, what crimes they are: the willful retention, sharing, and
hiding of classified documents that compromise our national security.
Trump’s own national security
advisor John Bolton said, “This is material that in the hands of America’s
adversaries would do incalculable damage to the United States. This is a very
serious case and it’s not financial fraud, it’s not hush money to porn stars,
this is the national security of the United States at stake. I think we’ve
got to take the politics out of this business when national security is at
stake.”
Cameras were barred in the courtroom as Trump pleaded not guilty to the 37
charges in Miami today. Presiding magistrate judge Jonathan Goodman ordered
Trump not to communicate with witnesses about the case, including
co-defendant Waltine Nauta, then released him on his own recognizance, that
is, without needing to post bail. Special prosecutor Jack Smith was in the
courtroom; ABC’s senior congressional correspondent Rachel Scott reported
that Trump did not look at Smith.
Then Trump went back to his residence in Bedminster, New Jersey, where he
gave a speech that New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman,
who is close to the Trump camp, described as low energy, focusing on his
insistence that he had a right to keep the classified documents (which
experts agree is nonsense and amounts to a confession) and that the
indictment was “the most evil and heinous abuse of power.” Right-wing Newsmax
and the Fox News Channel (FNC) carried the speech; CNN and MSNBC did not.
FNC has been hemorrhaging viewers since it fired Tucker Carlson, a threat to
its bottom line that might have been behind its chyron tonight attacking Biden by claiming
“WANNABE DICTATOR SPEAKS AT THE WHITE HOUSE AFTER HAVING HIS POLITICAL RIVAL
ARRESTED.”
In statements similar to the one from FNC, right-wing pundits spent the day
flooding Twitter and other social media with furious insistence that Trump is
being unfairly prosecuted, followed by attacks on former secretary of state
Hillary Clinton, and with allegations that there are tapes of President Biden
accepting bribes—allegations that Biden openly laughed at this evening.
But that performative outrage among leaders did not translate into support on
the ground in Miami. Law enforcement had been prepared for as many as 50,000
protesters, but only a few hundred to a thousand turned out (one wearing a
shirt made of an American flag and carrying the head of a pig on a pole).
The lack of supporters on the ground was significant. Since the August 2017
Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, much of Trump’s power has
rested on his ability to call out his base to silence opponents by
threatening violence. That power was in full force on January 6, 2021, when his loyalists set out
to stop the counting of the electoral votes that would make Democrat Joe
Biden president, believing they were operating under the orders of
then-president Trump.
Since then, though, more than 1,000 people who participated in the events
of January 6 have been charged with crimes,
and many have been sentenced to prison, while Trump, who many defendants say
called them to arms, has skated. That discrepancy is likely dampening the
enthusiasm of Trump’s supporters for protest.
Today Josh Marshall of Talking
Points Memo pointed out that the audacity of Nevada’s militia-related
Bundy family simply grew as family members launched successive stands against
the federal government without significant legal repercussions. Republican
politicians cheered on their attacks on federal officials for political gain,
while Democratic politicians didn’t push to go after them out of concern that
a show of federal power would alienate Nevada voters.
Trump’s threats and determination to stir up his base seem to reflect a
similar consideration: if he can just rally enough support, he might imagine,
the federal government will back off.
Federal officials permitting politics to trump the rule of law in our past
have brought us to this moment. After the Civil War, officials charged
Confederate president Jefferson Davis and 38 other leading secessionists with
treason but decided not to prosecute when the cases finally came to trial in
1869. They wanted to avoid the anger a trial would provoke because they hoped
to reconcile the North and South. They also worried they would not get
convictions in the southern states where the trials were assigned.
In the end, between President Andrew Johnson’s pardons and Congress’s
granting of amnesty to Confederates, no one was convicted for their
participation in the attempt to destroy the country. This generosity did not
create the good feeling men like General Ulysses S. Grant hoped it would. Instead, as Civil War scholar Elizabeth Varon established in her book on the
surrender at Appomattox, it helped to create the myth that the southern cause
had been so noble that even the conquering northern armies had been forced to
recognize it. The ideology of the Confederacy never became odious, and it has
lived on.
The same quest for reconciliation drove President Gerald R. Ford to grant a
pardon to former president Richard M. Nixon for possible “offenses against
the United States” in his quest to win the 1972 election by bugging the
headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Washington, D.C.,
Watergate Hotel.
Ford explained that the “tranquility” the nation had found after Nixon’s
resignation “could be irreparably lost by the prospects of bringing to trial
a former President of the United States.” The threat of a trial would “cause
prolonged and divisive debate over the propriety of exposing to further punishment
and degradation a man who has already paid the unprecedented penalty of
relinquishing the highest elective office of the United States.”
In an echo of 100 years before, Ford’s generosity did not bring Nixon or his
supporters back into the fold. Instead, they doubled down on the idea that
Nixon had done nothing wrong and had been hounded from office by his
“liberal” enemies. Nixon himself never admitted wrongdoing, telling the
American people he was resigning because he no longer had enough support in
Congress to advance the national interest.
Although his support had collapsed
because even members of his own party believed he was guilty of obstructing
justice, violated constitutional rights of citizens, and abused his power,
Nixon blamed the press, whose members had destroyed him with “leaks and
accusations and innuendo.”
The willingness of government officials to ignore the rule of law in order to
buy peace gave us enduring reverence for the principles of the Confederacy,
along with countless dead Unionists, mostly Black people, killed as former
Confederates reclaimed supremacy in the South. It also gave us the idea that
presidents cannot be held accountable for crimes, a belief that likely made
some of the presidents who followed Nixon less careful about following the
law than they might have been if they had seen Nixon indicted.
Holding a former president accountable for an alleged profound attack on the
United States is indeed unprecedented, as his supporters insist. But far from
being a bad thing to stand firm on the rule of law at the upper levels of
government, it seems to fall into the category of “high time.”
—Heather Cox Richardson
Notes:
https://twitter.com/Fritschner/status/1668684149845028864
https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/13/politics/trump-court-hearing-takeaways/index.html
https://www.nytimes.com/live/2023/06/13/us/trump-indictment-arraignment-court
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/13/us/politics/trump-arraignment-miami-court.html
https://twitter.com/atrupar/status/1668781392694591488
https://www.cnn.com/politics/live-news/donald-trump-indictment-court-appearance-06-13-23/index.html
https://www.npr.org/2023/03/25/1165022885/1000-defendants-january-6-capitol-riot
https://www.mediaite.com/tv/former-fbi-general-counsel-says-trump-admitted-to-a-crime-during-tuesday-night-speech-that-is-an-admission-to-that-charge/
https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog/the-end-of-bundy-clan-rules
https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/169189
https://www.nps.gov/rich/learn/historyculture/the-trial-of-jefferson-davis-cancelled-february-15-1869.htm
Elizabeth R. Varon, Appomattox:
Victory, Defeat, and Freedom at the End of the Civil War (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2013).
Richard M. Nixon, The Memoirs of
Richard Nixon (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1978), pp. 1044-1045.
https://www.politico.com/news/2023/06/13/trump-supporters-begin-descending-on-miami-courthouse-amid-circus-like-atmosphere-00101721
https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-and-tucker-carlson-both-lose-after-his-firing
https://watergate.info/impeachment/articles-of-impeachment
Twitter links:
ChrisDJackson/status/1668792486553088002
JuddLegum/status/1668603907184947201
MarkHertling/status/1668686293448925201
AmbJohnBolton/status/1668736977439531008
MollyJongFast/status/1668817291494998017
VABVOX/status/1668711564608778246
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