| It was quite a chyron from CNN, marking the first time in the history of the
  United States that a former president has been charged with federal crimes.
  And in this case, what crimes they are: the willful retention, sharing, and
  hiding of classified documents that compromise our national security. Trump’s own national security
  advisor John Bolton said, “This is material that in the hands of America’s
  adversaries would do incalculable damage to the United States. This is a very
  serious case and it’s not financial fraud, it’s not hush money to porn stars,
  this is the national security of the United States at stake. I think we’ve
  got to take the politics out of this business when national security is at
  stake.”
 Cameras were barred in the courtroom as Trump pleaded not guilty to the 37
  charges in Miami today. Presiding magistrate judge Jonathan Goodman ordered
  Trump not to communicate with witnesses about the case, including
  co-defendant Waltine Nauta, then released him on his own recognizance, that
  is, without needing to post bail. Special prosecutor Jack Smith was in the
  courtroom; ABC’s senior congressional correspondent Rachel Scott reported
  that Trump did not look at Smith.
 
 Then Trump went back to his residence in Bedminster, New Jersey, where he
  gave a speech that New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman,
  who is close to the Trump camp, described as low energy, focusing on his
  insistence that he had a right to keep the classified documents (which
  experts agree is nonsense and amounts to a confession) and that the
  indictment was “the most evil and heinous abuse of power.” Right-wing Newsmax
  and the Fox News Channel (FNC) carried the speech; CNN and MSNBC did not.
 
 FNC has been hemorrhaging viewers since it fired Tucker Carlson, a threat to
  its bottom line that might have been behind its chyron tonight attacking Biden by claiming
  “WANNABE DICTATOR SPEAKS AT THE WHITE HOUSE AFTER HAVING HIS POLITICAL RIVAL
  ARRESTED.”
 
 In statements similar to the one from FNC, right-wing pundits spent the day
  flooding Twitter and other social media with furious insistence that Trump is
  being unfairly prosecuted, followed by attacks on former secretary of state
  Hillary Clinton, and with allegations that there are tapes of President Biden
  accepting bribes—allegations that Biden openly laughed at this evening.
 
 But that performative outrage among leaders did not translate into support on
  the ground in Miami. Law enforcement had been prepared for as many as 50,000
  protesters, but only a few hundred to a thousand turned out (one wearing a
  shirt made of an American flag and carrying the head of a pig on a pole).
 
 The lack of supporters on the ground was significant. Since the August 2017
  Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, much of Trump’s power has
  rested on his ability to call out his base to silence opponents by
  threatening violence.
 That power was in full force on January 6, 2021, when his loyalists set out
  to stop the counting of the electoral votes that would make Democrat Joe
  Biden president, believing they were operating under the orders of
  then-president Trump.
 Since then, though, more than 1,000 people who participated in the events
  of January 6 have been charged with crimes,
  and many have been sentenced to prison, while Trump, who many defendants say
  called them to arms, has skated. That discrepancy is likely dampening the
  enthusiasm of Trump’s supporters for protest.
 
 Today Josh Marshall of Talking
  Points Memo pointed out that the audacity of Nevada’s militia-related
  Bundy family simply grew as family members launched successive stands against
  the federal government without significant legal repercussions.
 Republican
  politicians cheered on their attacks on federal officials for political gain,
  while Democratic politicians didn’t push to go after them out of concern that
  a show of federal power would alienate Nevada voters.
 Trump’s threats and determination to stir up his base seem to reflect a
  similar consideration: if he can just rally enough support, he might imagine,
  the federal government will back off.
 
 Federal officials permitting politics to trump the rule of law in our past
  have brought us to this moment. After the Civil War, officials charged
  Confederate president Jefferson Davis and 38 other leading secessionists with
  treason but decided not to prosecute when the cases finally came to trial in
  1869.
 They wanted to avoid the anger a trial would provoke because they hoped
  to reconcile the North and South. They also worried they would not get
  convictions in the southern states where the trials were assigned.
 In the end, between President Andrew Johnson’s pardons and Congress’s
  granting of amnesty to Confederates, no one was convicted for their
  participation in the attempt to destroy the country. This generosity did not
  create the good feeling men like General Ulysses S. Grant hoped it would.
  Instead, as Civil War scholar Elizabeth Varon established in her book on the
  surrender at Appomattox, it helped to create the myth that the southern cause
  had been so noble that even the conquering northern armies had been forced to
  recognize it. The ideology of the Confederacy never became odious, and it has
  lived on.
 The same quest for reconciliation drove President Gerald R. Ford to grant a
  pardon to former president Richard M. Nixon for possible “offenses against
  the United States” in his quest to win the 1972 election by bugging the
  headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Washington, D.C.,
  Watergate Hotel.
 
 Ford explained that the “tranquility” the nation had found after Nixon’s
  resignation “could be irreparably lost by the prospects of bringing to trial
  a former President of the United States.” The threat of a trial would “cause
  prolonged and divisive debate over the propriety of exposing to further punishment
  and degradation a man who has already paid the unprecedented penalty of
  relinquishing the highest elective office of the United States.”
 
 In an echo of 100 years before, Ford’s generosity did not bring Nixon or his
  supporters back into the fold. Instead, they doubled down on the idea that
  Nixon had done nothing wrong and had been hounded from office by his
  “liberal” enemies. Nixon himself never admitted wrongdoing, telling the
  American people he was resigning because he no longer had enough support in
  Congress to advance the national interest.
 Although his support had collapsed
  because even members of his own party believed he was guilty of obstructing
  justice, violated constitutional rights of citizens, and abused his power,
  Nixon blamed the press, whose members had destroyed him with “leaks and
  accusations and innuendo.”
 The willingness of government officials to ignore the rule of law in order to
  buy peace gave us enduring reverence for the principles of the Confederacy,
  along with countless dead Unionists, mostly Black people, killed as former
  Confederates reclaimed supremacy in the South.
 It also gave us the idea that
  presidents cannot be held accountable for crimes, a belief that likely made
  some of the presidents who followed Nixon less careful about following the
  law than they might have been if they had seen Nixon indicted.
 Holding a former president accountable for an alleged profound attack on the
  United States is indeed unprecedented, as his supporters insist. But far from
  being a bad thing to stand firm on the rule of law at the upper levels of
  government, it seems to fall into the category of “high time.”
 —Heather Cox Richardson Notes: https://twitter.com/Fritschner/status/1668684149845028864 https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/13/politics/trump-court-hearing-takeaways/index.html https://www.nytimes.com/live/2023/06/13/us/trump-indictment-arraignment-court https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/13/us/politics/trump-arraignment-miami-court.html https://twitter.com/atrupar/status/1668781392694591488 https://www.cnn.com/politics/live-news/donald-trump-indictment-court-appearance-06-13-23/index.html https://www.npr.org/2023/03/25/1165022885/1000-defendants-january-6-capitol-riot https://www.mediaite.com/tv/former-fbi-general-counsel-says-trump-admitted-to-a-crime-during-tuesday-night-speech-that-is-an-admission-to-that-charge/ https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog/the-end-of-bundy-clan-rules https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/169189 https://www.nps.gov/rich/learn/historyculture/the-trial-of-jefferson-davis-cancelled-february-15-1869.htm Elizabeth R. Varon, Appomattox:
  Victory, Defeat, and Freedom at the End of the Civil War (New York:
  Oxford University Press, 2013). Richard M. Nixon, The Memoirs of
  Richard Nixon (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1978), pp. 1044-1045. https://www.politico.com/news/2023/06/13/trump-supporters-begin-descending-on-miami-courthouse-amid-circus-like-atmosphere-00101721 https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-and-tucker-carlson-both-lose-after-his-firing https://watergate.info/impeachment/articles-of-impeachment Twitter links: ChrisDJackson/status/1668792486553088002 JuddLegum/status/1668603907184947201 MarkHertling/status/1668686293448925201 AmbJohnBolton/status/1668736977439531008 MollyJongFast/status/1668817291494998017 VABVOX/status/1668711564608778246 | 
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