At the hearing of the House Select
Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack
on the U.S. Capitol on June 24, we heard overwhelming proof that former
president Trump and his congressional supporters tried to overturn the will of
the voters in the 2020 presidential election and steal control of our country
to keep a minority in power.
Thanks to three justices nominated by Trump, the Supreme Court stripped a constitutional right from the American people, a right we have enjoyed for almost 50 years, a right that is considered a fundamental human right in most liberal democracies, and a right they indicated they would protect because it was settled law.
Yesterday’s Dobbs v. Jackson
Women’s Health Organization decision overturned the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision
that recognized a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy. For the first time in
our history, rather than conveying rights, the court has explicitly taken a
constitutional right away from the American people.
These
two extraordinary events are related. The current-day Republican Party has
abandoned the idea of a democracy in which a majority of the people elect their
government. Instead, its members have embraced minority rule.
The Dobbs decision marks the end of an era: the period in American history stretching from 1933 to 1981, the era in which the U.S. government worked to promote democracy. It tried to level the economic playing field between the rich and the poor by regulating business and working conditions.
It provided a
basic social safety net through programs like Social Security and Medicare and,
later, through food and housing security programs. It promoted infrastructure
like electricity and highways, and clean air and water, to try to maintain a
basic standard of living for Americans. And it protected civil rights by using
the Fourteenth Amendment, added to the U.S. Constitution in 1868, to stop
states from denying their citizens the equal protection of the
laws.
Now
the Republicans are engaged in the process of dismantling that government. For
forty years, the current Republican Party has worked to slash business
regulations and the taxes that support social welfare programs, to privatize
infrastructure projects, and to end the federal protection of civil rights by
arguing for judicial “originalism” that claims to honor the original version of
the Constitution rather than permitting the courts to protect rights through
the Fourteenth Amendment.
But
most Americans actually like the government to hold the economic and social
playing field level. So, to win elections, Republicans since 1986 have
suppressed votes, flooded the media with propaganda attacking those who like
government action as dangerous socialists, gerrymandered congressional
districts, abused the Senate filibuster to stop all Democratic legislation, and
finally, when repeated losses in the popular vote made it clear their extremist
ideology would never again command a majority, stacked the Supreme Court.
The
focus of the originalists on the court has been to slash the federal government
and make the states, once again, the centerpiece of our democratic system. That
democracy belonged to the states was the argument of the southern Democrats
before the Civil War, who insisted that the federal government could not
legitimately intervene in state affairs. At the same time, though, state
lawmakers limited the vote in their state, so “democracy” did not reflect the
will of the majority. It reflected the interests of those few who could
vote.
State
governments, then, tended to protect the power of a few wealthy, white men, and
to write laws reinforcing that power. Southern lawmakers defended human
enslavement, for example, a system that concentrated wealth among a few white
men. Challenged to defend their enslavement of their neighbors in a country
that boasted “all men are created equal,” they argued that enslavement was
secondary to the fact that voters had chosen to impose it.
The
originalists on today’s Supreme Court have
repeatedly emphasized that the states, rather than the federal government,
should determine the laws under which we live. So, for example, in the Shinn v.
Martinez Ramirez case decided on May 23,
the court overturned a previous decision to say that two men on Arizona’s death
row who had received ineffective legal assistance at their trials could not
introduce new evidence at the federal level that would exonerate them. The
decision said that such a review would “intrude on state sovereignty.”
And yesterday, by a vote of 6 to 3, the court overturned Roe v. Wade, arguing that the right to determine abortion rights must be returned “to the people’s elected representatives” at the state level, even as states are restricting the right to vote. Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the majority opinion, claimed that the Constitution does not protect the right to abortion because it does not mention that right.
While the court
says it is willing to protect some rights not mentioned, they must be “deeply
rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition” and “implicit in the concept of
ordered liberty.” In a concurring decision, Justice Clarence Thomas suggested
the court should also revisit the right to use birth control and to engage in
gay relationships or marriage.
We
are still waiting on another potentially explosive decision in West Virginia v.
Environmental Protection Agency, in which the court will decide if Congress can
delegate authority to government agencies as it has done since the 1930s. If
the court says Congress can’t delegate authority, even if it waters that
argument down, government regulation could become virtually impossible. Having
taken the federal government’s power to protect civil rights, it would then
have taken its power to regulate business.
And
yet, just yesterday, the court
struck down a New York state law restricting the concealed carrying of guns on
the grounds that history suggested such a restriction was unconstitutional. In
fact, in both the Dobbs decision and the New York State Rifle & Pistol
Association v. Bruen, the court used stunningly bad history, clearly just
working to get to the modern-day position it wanted. Abortion was, in fact, deeply
rooted in this nation’s history not only in the far past but also in the past
49 years, and individual gun rights were not part of our early history.
The
court is imposing on the nation a so-called originalism that will return power
to the states, leaving the door open for state lawmakers to get rid of business
regulation and gut civil rights, but its originalism also leaves the door open
for the federal government to impose laws on the states that are popular with
Republicans. Already, the same day that the court handed down a decision
striking down Roe v. Wade on the grounds that laws about abortion should come
from the states, Republican politicians are calling for a federal law banning
abortion everywhere.
In
its imposition of minority rule first by insisting on state’s rights and then
by demanding federal protection of laws it wants, the Republican Party is
echoing the southern Democrats before the Civil War. Like today’s Republicans, as
they lost support, they entrenched themselves first in the machinery of the
federal government and then in the Supreme Court.
And,
finally, when northerners realized that enslavers had gamed the system to
spread slavery across the nation, they came together from all different parties
to protest and to stand against that attempt to destroy democracy and hand the
country over to a few rich men. Ironically, that was the birth of the
Republican Party that, under Abraham Lincoln, worked to create a government “of
the people, by the people, [and] for the people.”
Last night, there are
protests around the country.
-Heather
Cox Richardson
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