“…Some observers describe what we are seeing as a crisis. In
fact, what we are living through is constitutional failure.
The system created by the framers is not doing the job it was designed to do,
particularly in the current circumstances: We are faced with a corrupt
president who rejects the very idea of legal limits on his power.
“Our constitutional democracy is based on free and fair elections,
individual rights, independent courts,
and the rule of law—the
idea that no one is above the law. Trump rejects all of these bedrock
principles. He has tried to undermine free and fair elections (most recently
demonstrated in the Ukraine scandal.) He threatens his critics with prosecution
and lawsuits, disdaining the notion of First Amendment speech and press
protections. He seeks to delegitimize judges who
rule against his policies. He rejects the idea that ordinary rules and laws
apply to him and his allies,
declaring (erroneously) that under Article II of the Constitution, ‘I have the right to do whatever I want as president.’
“Trump poses an existential threat to
our system of government—and yet he remains in office. In a functioning system,
Republicans would have already joined Democrats in taking action to remove
Trump from office—just as Republicans stood against Nixon in
1974. In our failed system we are reduced to waiting to see how far
Trump will go before congressional Republicans will act—if they ever do.
“Every system needs a way to protect itself, and
our constitutional system provides (in theory) all the tools needed to deal
with the direct threat Trump poses. Congress is fully empowered to
remove a corrupt president from office. But congressional Republicans, by
refusing to act, render those tools useless.
“James Madison believed that the constitutional
system would prevent the accumulation of too much power in any one branch of
government. If one branch exceeded the limits of its power, it would be reined
in by the others. In order for this to work, Madison famously wrote, ‘Ambition
must be made to counteract ambition.’ In other words, if the president engaged
in a power grab, members of Congress would use constitutionally available tools
to check him or her —not out of moral rectitude but because legislators would
be worried about ceding their own power to an ambitious president.
“The system is failing because Republicans are
placing partisan concerns—their
own loyalty to Trump or fear of the political costs of defying him—ahead of
their constitutional responsibilities. The system Madison helped design cannot
function properly under these circumstances.
“It is important to forthrightly describe the
reality of constitutional failure for two reasons.
“First, it emphasizes the emergency we face. If
he does not face consequences, Trump will feel emboldened to do precisely as he
chooses, without regard to ethical or legal limits. We’re seeing this, for
instance, with Trump’s moves to undermine the rule of law within
the U.S. military by pardoning the Navy SEAL convicted of taking a ‘selfie’
with the corpse of a teenage boy who fought for ISIS.
“We can’t count on his removal from office by
election as a foolproof safeguard, especially when Trump’s misconduct in the
Ukraine scandal was focused squarely on an illicit attempt to tilt the
electoral scales in his favor.
“Second, describing what has occurred as failure
points out that we need a new constitution,
one that will be designed to strengthen our democracy against future
existential threats. No system is guaranteed to succeed, but a failed one
demands replacement.
“Today’s Republican Party is an anti-democratic,
authoritarian party that seeks to gain—and has gained—power without winning a
majority of votes. To this end, it pushes voter suppression measures and takes
advantage of structural defects in our system. Gerrymandered districts can
allow the GOP to win a minority of the votes and still control the House. The
Electoral College gave Trump the presidency 2016, even though he lost the
popular vote—a feat he stands a realistic chance of repeating in 2020. And
though deeply unpopular, he enjoys majority support in a Senate that does not
reflect political preferences of the majority of Americans, but instead allows
a minority in sparsely populated states to wield power.
“Making the electoral system more majoritarian
could force the Republican Party to abandon its anti-democratic approach if it
wishes to win. There is no guaranteed way to prevent would-be authoritarians
from gaining power. After all, a very popular authoritarian could easily win
the popular vote. But clearly, the authoritarianism of our current president is
not popular with Americans: Trump’s approval ratings are consistently in the
low 40s. Constitutional change would strengthen liberal democracy against an
authoritarian party. It is worth trying.
“With this goal in mind, a new constitution
could address some of the anti-democratic features of our current system,
including:
§
ending the Electoral
College.
§
reforming or replacing
a Senate that gives the 435,000 voting-age people in Wyoming as many votes as
the 17,524,000 in Texas.
§
eliminating partisan
gerrymandering.
§
protecting the right
to vote against voter suppression efforts.
§
dealing with the
corrupting influence of our current campaign finance system.
“A new constitution could also be aimed at
shoring up the rule of law, including by protecting the independence of the
Department of Justice and replacing the current impeachment process with
something capable of actually holding a lawless president to account. One idea
to explore would be expressly giving the DOJ independent prosecutorial
authority over the president. Another would be providing a process for
triggering new presidential elections—say, based on a three-fifths vote in the
House and Senate.
“Obviously, these kinds of changes are not
politically plausible at the moment, but they need to be on our agenda—unless
we are willing to risk another attack on the system from a future president. We
need to begin talking about how to create the conditions needed for a new constitution,
one giving us better odds of warding off the next authoritarian threat—assuming
we survive the one posed by Trump.”
Chris Edelson is an assistant professor
of government in American University’s School of Public Affairs. He has written
two books on presidential power, and recently wrote a book chapter describing
the problem of constitutional failure in the United States.
For the entire article, click here.
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