Monday, July 7, 2025

Israeli soldier Daniel Edri set himself on fire

 


In a forest near the occupied city of Safed, Edri climbed into his vehicle, lit it ablaze, and left behind a note that read: “I smell so many corpses I can't stand it anymore.”

He had served in Gaza. He had served in Lebanon. And in the end, he was so haunted by the smell of the dead—the corpses he had helped create—that he chose death by fire over continuing to live with what he had done. Edri didn’t die a hero. He didn’t die a victim. He died the way so many soldiers do after becoming tools of state-sponsored terror: consumed from the inside by the weight of their own complicity.

This is what happens when states deploy their youth to carry out collective punishment against entire populations. When the mission is not defense, but domination. Not protection, but extermination. It breaks the soul.

Israel calls it war. The world increasingly recognizes it as genocide. And Edri's final act confirms something we don't talk about enough: the psychological ruin that comes when a human being is ordered to kill innocents for no reason at all.

This isn’t new. We’ve seen it before. In 2012, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs released data showing that more American veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars had died by suicide than were killed in combat. By that year, over 6,500 veterans had taken their own lives—surpassing the number of U.S. military deaths in both wars combined.

A study published in JAMA Psychiatry “(Maguen et al., 2010) found that soldiers who had killed in combat were twice as likely to suffer from PTSD compared to those who hadn’t. And a landmark RAND Corporation report (2008) revealed that roughly 20% of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans experienced major depression or PTSD, with many not receiving adequate care.

But the most haunting term that emerged was "moral injury" — the spiritual and psychological damage that occurs when someone participates in or witnesses' actions that violate their deeply held moral beliefs. It is not about fear. It's about guilt, shame, and spiritual collapse.

Burning down homes, bombing hospitals, watching children pulled lifeless from rubble—these are not things a conscience forgets. You can silence a population. You can censor the press. But you cannot silence the human mind screaming from within.

Daniel Edri did not break because he lost a war. He broke because he knew what he had done, and he knew he had no justification. His death is not martyrdom. It is evidence. Evidence that you can train a soldier to kill, but you cannot train a soul to accept mass murder. This is the psychological blowback of genocide. Not only on the murdered, but on the murderers. And it will not stop with him.

Every empire that trains its young to kill for supremacy will one day find them weeping, burning, or buried under the weight of what they became.

-Miral Askar on LinkedIn

Stephen Zunes posted this to his Facebook page

 


Scientists are uncovering more and more unsettling facts about our politics by Eric W. Dolan

 


Recent analyses of political division often point to familiar culprits: deepening partisan loyalties, ideological echo chambers, and the rampant spread of misinformation. While these factors are significant, a growing body of research in psychology and political science suggests they are symptoms of a deeper phenomenon.

Across dozens of countries, scientists are uncovering the psychological mechanisms that drive political behavior, from affective polarization to the appeal of authoritarianism. This emerging field reveals how personality traits, emotional responses to threat, and fundamental needs for social identity are shaping our political landscape.

By examining the psychological roots of political hostility and democratic erosion, this new science offers a more fundamental explanation for why persuasion feels increasingly impossible and why societies are growing more divided. The following 13 summaries from recent scientific literature offer a cross-section of this emerging research.

1. Politics is Becoming the Core of American Social Identity

In today’s America, political identity isn’t just about voting—it’s shaping who we want as friends, neighbors, and even in-laws. A study published in Political Psychology found that partisanship now overrides nearly all other social identities—including race, religion, and education level—when people evaluate others.

Using a national survey, researchers showed participants profiles of hypothetical individuals and asked them to judge how much they liked each one, or whether they’d want to live near them or have them as family. Political affiliation was the strongest predictor of these social preferences, with people consistently favoring those who shared their party and expressing dislike for those who didn’t.

More strikingly, out-group hostility often outweighed in-group warmth—people disliked the other side more than they liked their own. Even when profiles defied party stereotypes, like a Black Republican or an atheist Democrat, participants still judged them mainly through their political lens. And while religion and race did influence ratings, especially among Republicans, political party was still the most powerful factor overall. This suggests that polarization in the U.S. has seeped far beyond the ballot box into the very fabric of social life, shaping not just political views but how people interact in their communities.

2. Democracy May Be Good for Your Personality

A study published in Scientific Reports found that people living in democratic societies tend to score higher on benevolent personality traits like empathy, kindness, and belief in human goodness. These so-called “light triad” traits were more common in democracies, while authoritarian nations saw higher levels of manipulative, narcissistic, and callous traits—known collectively as the “dark triad.” The study, which included data from nearly 250,000 people in 75 countries, suggests that political systems may be connected to the psychological makeup of citizens, with democratic environments encouraging prosocial behavior and emotional well-being.

What’s more, people with higher light-triad traits also reported greater life satisfaction, hinting at a feedback loop between democracy, personality, and happiness. Even after controlling for income, education, and religious experience, the trend held strong: the more democratic the country, the kinder and more trusting its people tended to be. The researchers acknowledged that causality isn’t certain—benevolent people may help build democratic societies, or democratic conditions might shape people’s personalities. But the implications are unsettling in light of global democratic backsliding: as democracies erode, people may become more distrustful and antagonistic, paving the way for more authoritarian norms.

3. When Voters Idolize Dark Leaders, Polarization Grows

Not all political leaders are admired for their integrity or humility. In fact, when voters support leaders with narcissistic, manipulative, or callous traits, their emotional hostility toward the opposing side tends to deepen. A new study published in the European Journal of Political Research found that voters who feel ideologically close to “dark” political candidates—those scoring high in Machiavellianism, psychopathy, or narcissism—were more likely to express stronger affective polarization. The effect wasn’t caused by dislike of the opposition, but rather by an emotional attachment to their own combative leader.

The researchers found this pattern across 34,000 voters in 40 national elections, covering leaders like Trump, Bolsonaro, and Macron. Crucially, only in-party admiration mattered—voters didn’t become more polarized simply because they disliked dark-spirited opponents. This suggests that strong emotional bonds to dominant or deceptive leaders may not just reflect existing polarization, but actually amplify it. Whether voters are drawn to these traits or shaped by them is still unclear, but the cycle is ominous: dark personalities at the top may be feeding political radicalization from the bottom up.

4. Narcissists Fuel Political Extremes—On Both Sides

Personality may shape more of our politics than we think. A study in Political Behavior found that narcissism—especially the antagonistic, entitled variety—is strongly linked to affective polarization. People high in narcissistic traits weren’t just more loyal to their political group; they were also more hostile toward the opposing side. This pattern held across traditional party lines and newer political identities like Brexit stances. Those with higher scores in “rivalry narcissism” were especially likely to express emotional attachment to their group and contempt for outsiders.

Interestingly, the researchers found that the hostility wasn’t just about admiration for one’s side—it was mostly driven by negativity toward the outgroup. Narcissistic individuals were more prone to see criticism of their political group as a personal attack and were quick to devalue opponents. Even after accounting for the Big Five personality traits, narcissism stood out as a strong predictor of political animosity. These findings suggest that emotional needs for superiority and recognition may be fueling partisan identity in ways that go beyond ideology or party loyalty.

5. Support for Strong Leaders Isn’t Just a Right-Wing Thing

Support for authoritarian-style leaders is often seen as a right-wing trait, but new research in Psychological Science complicates that picture. Across six studies, researchers found that ethnic minorities—regardless of political ideology—were more likely than White left-leaning individuals to support strong, rule-breaking leaders. This wasn’t because of ideology, but because of generalized trust: groups with lower trust in others were more open to leaders who promised order and control, even at the expense of democratic norms.

This helps explain why some minority voters have gravitated toward dominant political figures like Donald Trump, despite his divisive rhetoric. It also suggests that feelings of vulnerability and social threat may shape leadership preferences more than traditional political labels. Experiments showed that when trust in others was experimentally increased, support for strong leaders declined—especially among minority participants. These findings challenge the idea that support for authoritarianism is driven purely by conservatism and highlight how lived experiences of trust and exclusion can influence political choices.

 6. Feeling Politically Excluded Makes People Angrier—and More Hostile

New research published in the Journal of Applied Social Psychology suggests that political exclusion—being ignored or rejected because of your political beliefs—can fuel anger, emotional withdrawal, and even online hostility. In two studies using a virtual ball-tossing game called Cyberball, researchers simulated political rejection among young adults. When participants were excluded by others who disagreed with them politically, they reported feeling psychologically threatened, angry, and less willing to interact with people from the opposing side. In some cases, exclusion even increased intentions to insult or threaten opponents on social media.

Interestingly, exclusion from one’s own political group also triggered psychological discomfort, and sometimes even led participants to feel warmer toward the other side. But the dominant effect was clear: being shut out because of political identity increases emotional distress and polarizing behavior. The study suggests that affective polarization may not just stem from ideological conflict, but from social dynamics that mimic bullying or rejection. When political differences become grounds for exclusion, people may dig in deeper—not necessarily because of policy, but because of pain.

7. Traumatized Childhoods May Shape Narcissistic Leaders

A study published in Frontiers in Psychology offers a striking psychological comparison between Adolf Hitler, Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump. By analyzing historical and biographical records, the author argues that all three leaders share a pattern of childhood trauma, authoritarian father figures, and emotionally indulgent mothers. These early dynamics may have laid the groundwork for the development of pathological narcissism—an inflated sense of self rooted in emotional insecurity. Rather than stemming from ideology alone, their leadership styles may reflect deep psychological compensation for childhood distress.

Each leader experienced different forms of psychological adversity: Hitler and Putin were “replacement children” born after the deaths of siblings and raised by harsh fathers, while Trump was sent to military school at a young age—an event he interpreted as rejection. The study cautions that while these patterns don’t explain every aspect of their political behavior, they may help account for the grandiosity, aggression, and lack of empathy seen in their public personas. While limited by its interpretive nature, the research adds a provocative layer to our understanding of authoritarian leadership—one rooted in early emotional wounds.

8. What You See in a Candidate May Depend on What You Believe About Authority

In polarized politics, voters often project personality traits onto candidates based on their own values—and that includes seeing opponents as mentally unfit. A study in Europe’s Journal of Psychology found that perceptions of psychopathy in political candidates—traits like callousness or deceit—are shaped by voters’ authoritarian beliefs. In two studies conducted after the 2016 U.S. election and again in 2020, participants consistently rated the opposing candidate (Trump or Clinton) as more psychopathic, especially if they scored high in authoritarianism.

This partisan mirror effect was surprisingly stable across time, and it wasn’t based on accurate psychological assessments—just belief and perception. Clinton voters tended to see Trump as far more psychopathic, while Trump voters viewed Clinton similarly. But those who held authoritarian values were more likely to believe their own candidate was psychologically sound and the opponent was dangerously unstable. These findings suggest that mental health perceptions in politics are filtered through ideology, not psychiatric knowledge. The result is a kind of psychological warfare, where traits like cruelty or instability become tools for political judgment.

9. Around the World, Conflict Sparks Support for Strongmen

In one of the largest cross-cultural studies of its kind, researchers from 25 countries found that people are more likely to support dominant, authoritarian leaders when they perceive intergroup conflict or national threat. Published in Evolution and Human Behavior, the study included over 5,000 participants and tested whether scenarios involving war or peace affected leadership preferences. In conflict situations, people were more likely to prefer leaders who appeared physically dominant, aggressive, or forceful. This preference showed up across cultures—from the United States and China to Kenya and Russia.

The findings support the idea that humans have an evolved tendency to turn toward strong leadership during times of danger. It’s a psychological reflex that may have helped early humans survive tribal warfare—but in modern democracies, it can lead to a cycle of escalating authoritarianism. Once dominant leaders are elected in response to perceived threats, they may amplify those threats to maintain power. The study suggests this cycle is not unique to any one country—it’s a global pattern, deeply embedded in human psychology.

10. Feeling Like Society Is Falling Apart Makes Authoritarianism More Appealing

A study in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology offers new evidence that perceptions of social breakdown can directly increase support for authoritarian rule. When people feel that moral norms are eroding, institutions are ineffective, and society is falling into chaos—a condition known as anomie—they begin to feel politically powerless. This lack of control then leads to political uncertainty, creating fertile ground for authoritarianism. The researchers tested this pathway using both large-scale survey data and a series of controlled experiments.

The results show that the link between societal disorder and authoritarianism isn’t random—it’s a psychological chain reaction. When people feel they no longer understand or influence politics, they become more likely to favor a “strong leader” who promises clarity and control, even if it means bypassing democratic principles. The study adds a layer of psychological depth to political instability: authoritarianism may rise not just because of fear or ideology, but because people crave order in the face of perceived collapse. In times of uncertainty, control can start to look more attractive than freedom.

11. Across 59 Nations, Threat Sparks Authoritarian Support—Especially on the Right

A global study published in the Journal of Personality found that people in 59 countries are more likely to support authoritarian forms of government when they feel threatened by crime, poverty, or political unrest. Drawing on data from nearly 85,000 participants, the study confirmed that this psychological response is consistent across cultures: threat increases the appeal of strong, controlling leadership. Although the effect was seen on both the political left and right, it was significantly stronger among conservatives.

The researchers argue that while left-leaning individuals may also turn toward authoritarian attitudes under threat, conservatives tend to do so more predictably. This aligns with previous studies showing that right-leaning individuals are more sensitive to threat cues. Yet the global consistency of the trend is what stands out: whether in Sweden or South Africa, perceived danger pushes people to favor authoritarian rule. It’s a reminder that the desire for security—even at the cost of civil liberties—may be a universal feature of human psychology.

12. Certain Narcissistic Traits Predict Anti-Immigrant Views

Not all narcissists think the same. A study published in Behavioral Sciences found that people high in antagonistic narcissism—those who are hostile, entitled, and competitive—are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward immigrants. This connection is driven in part by how they view the world: as a ruthless competition where others are threats rather than allies. These individuals also tend to endorse authoritarian and dominance-based ideologies, which reinforce exclusionary beliefs.

Interestingly, not all forms of narcissism showed this pattern. Neurotic narcissists—those who are insecure and anxious—were actually less likely to endorse anti-immigrant views. Extraverted narcissists, who crave attention but are not necessarily hostile, showed a more indirect relationship. Across three studies in the U.S. and Israel, the researchers found that narcissism intersects with worldview: those who see society as a competitive jungle are more likely to favor policies that punish or exclude outsiders. Personality, in this case, becomes a lens through which people interpret politics and identity.

13. Democrats Show More Partisan Dislike—But for Moral Reasons

A multi-method study published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology found that Democrats in the United States tend to express more dislike toward Republicans than vice versa. Across seven studies—including Twitter experiments, hiring scenarios, and controlled surveys—researchers found that Democrats were more likely to reject or block Republican users, rate them lower in hypothetical workplace evaluations, and express stronger moral condemnation. The driving force wasn’t just disagreement, but the belief that Republicans pose harm to disadvantaged groups.

This perception of moral threat—particularly on issues like race and immigration—appears to fuel Democrats’ emotional intensity. When a Republican individual supported diversity or anti-racism causes, Democratic participants showed less animosity. But when they didn’t, the moral condemnation returned. The findings challenge the idea that partisan dislike is symmetric. At least in this moment in history, Democrats’ stronger aversion is rooted in moral concerns. Still, the researchers caution that moralization can cut both ways—and may fuel cycles of dehumanization across party lines.

Read more at PsyPost

 

 

Sunday, July 6, 2025

American Fascism

 


We are in desperate need of a new language—a language that can capture the fascist tide that is engulfing the United States. The tools to articulate this shift will not be found in the legacy press, which remains shackled by the very structures it should question. This new language must break free from the tightly controlled narrative churned out by right-wing media outlets, such as Fox News, where the acceleration of fascist ideals has found a fertile ground to flourish unchecked.

Children are being slaughtered in Gaza, millions are on the brink of losing their healthcare, and the funds for feeding impoverished children are being slashed by the grotesque budget of Trump’s administration. Thousands will die in the future from a lack of support, all in the name of enriching the pockets of the filthy rich.

We now live in a country where class warfare is not merely present—it is on steroids, exposing the killing machine of gangster capitalism in its rawest form. Terror, fear, and punishment have supplanted the ideals of equality, freedom, and justice. The lights are dimming in the United States, and what remains are the ignorant smirks of fascist incompetence and bodies devoid of passion, empathy, and any semblance of humanity.

Ruth Ben-Ghiat writes that "America has been set on a trajectory to become a police state," citing the passage of the Brutal & Bellicose Bill (BBB), which has given ICE more funding than the militaries of Brazil, Israel, and Italy combined. While her observations are important, the foundation for this police state was laid much earlier—under the reign of Bush and Cheney, with their war on terror. It was the lies of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the invasion of Iraq that ignited this path, paving the way for Guantanamo Bay, the torture chambers at Abu Ghraib, and the ruthless abduction of individuals—each an early echo of what we now witness under Trump.

The police state did not begin with Trump; it simply embraced, more openly and brazenly, the fascist undercurrents that had already taken root. What we now face is a systematic enforcement of deportations, racial cleansing, the normalization of hate as political rhetoric, the criminalization of dissent, the erosion of birthright citizenship, and the militarization of society at large. We are witnessing the rapid expansion of a punishing state, fed by the destruction of the social state and the concentration of power among the financial elite.

Yet, what is striking is how disconnected we remain from the historical roots of this moment—centuries of colonized violence. Why do we refuse to call the Trump regime what it truly is: a fascist state engaged in state terrorism? Why do we ignore the growing evidence of class warfare that has become more visible than ever? Why are questions of economic inequality, terrorism, and violations of international law systematically left untouched when it comes to the United States and its allies, like Israel?

At the heart of this crisis lies a moral void. Issues of justice, equality, and social responsibility no longer resonate within the platforms of the oligarchic elite. What we are witnessing is a genocidal war against criticism, against critical inquiry, against the courage to think differently.

Hope, it seems, has been buried beneath the hollow fantasies of Disney-esque nightmares. But it is time to wake up—to resurrect the connection between civic literacy and moral witnessing. We must act as though humanity itself is at stake, because in truth, it is. The time for complacency is over. The time for a new language of critique, possibility, and mass struggle is now.

-Henry Giroux



VOTE


 

Forget Jan 6th. Trump’s next move is smarter, and far more dangerous: use the courts, AI & right-wing militias to erase millions of Americans from the vote — legally. It’s not a theory. It’s a plan.

James Carville isn’t a man prone to panic, but when he says, “I would not put it at all past [Trump] to try to call martial law or declare that there’s some kind of national emergency,” around next year’s elections it’s time to sit up straight.

Speaking to NewsNation’s Chris CuomoCarville warned that as Donald Trump sees a political shellacking coming in the 2026 midterms — particularly in states like New Jersey and Virginia — he may try something extreme to hold onto power. “The hoof prints are coming,” Carville said, and he’s not wrong.

This isn’t hyperbole. This is history — the history of nations that have lost their democracies like Hungary and Russia — threatening to repeat itself.

Donald Trump has already laid the psychological and structural groundwork to undermine or suspend elections; he just may not need to declare martial law if his fixers pull off what’s happening already this year.

Award-winning investigative journalist Greg Palast, a committed non-partisan, has laid it out in painful detail. And what he’s uncovered should terrify every American who believes in democracy.

Palast argues that Trump’s GOP doesn’t have to wait for November 2026 to win. They plan to win it in 2025, through something he calls The Great Purgeauthorized by five corrupt Republicans on the US Supreme Court.

That’s right: before you even cast a vote, millions of names may already be scrubbed from voter rolls. If you’re Black, Latino, a student, a woman who changed her name at marriage, a military service member, or simply someone who moved apartments, you’re already a target.

Let’s break it down:    

— In the lead-up to the 2024 election, the U.S. Election Assistance Commission reported over 19 million names purged from voter rolls. While many were valid (deceased or moved), at least 4.47 million were blocked from voting due to bureaucratic tricks like “failure to return confirmation notices,” a tactic voting rights lawyers call “caging.”

— In Georgia, Palast’s team working with the ACLU found that 63.3% of voters purged via caging were wrongly removed. Many were African-American.

— Georgia’s GOP Secretary of State proudly doubled down in 2023, targeting 875,000 voters, and that’s just one state.

— Thirty states now use an error-ridden system called ERIC for voter purging. Not accurate enough? Trump’s legal henchwoman, Cleta Mitchell, is pushing for a new program called EagleAI, the modern version of the GOP’s 1960s “Eagle Eye” voter intimidation operation.

If that wasn’t enough, Republicans have introduced the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, which would force every newly registered or updated voter to present proof of citizenship in person. And if the name on your birth certificate is different from your passport or driver’s license, you can’t register or vote.

According to Michael Waldman of the Brennan Center, over 21 million Americans don’t have those documents readily available. And 69 million women don’t have their married name on their birth certificate. Many Americans don’t know where their passport or birth certificate is, especially those living in poverty, moving frequently, or serving overseas.

And let’s be clear about the excuse for this law: A racist myth. The Heritage Foundation, pushing the SAVE Act, claims millions of undocumented immigrants vote. But even Kris Kobach, the Kansas Secretary of State who made it his mission to arrest illegal voters, found exactly zero in court. In fact, his law blocked 36,000 legal Kansas voters and was thrown out for being unconstitutional. And now they’re bragging that they just purged 5 million new names so far this year, according to Judicial Watch.

Still, these tactics persist. Why? Because they work.

In 2000, George W. Bush won Florida by just 537 votes after tens of thousands of Black voters were falsely labeled as felons and purged by George’s brother, then-Florida Governor Jeb Bush. Today’s tactics are far more sophisticated and widespread, and with a Trumpified Supreme Court, far harder to stop.

Under Trump, the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division — once the bulwark against voter suppression — has become complicit. Don’t expect any help from the feds if your name goes missing from the rolls.

In fact, Georgia’s Secretary of State has already requested access to DHS’s SAVE database — a tool used to track deported immigrants — to cross-reference voters. When Florida tried this in 2012, they removed 172,000 voters but only found one actual non-citizen: an Austrian Republican. But thousands of Hispanic voters were wrongly barred because they had common names like Jose Garcia.

That’s not election security. That’s systemic suppression.

While official channels do their damage, Trump’s allies are also organizing a private MAGA militia of self-appointed “fraud hunters.” In 2024, these vigilantes challenged over one million ballots. In 2026, Palast reports, they’re gearing up to challenge even more, targeting key swing states like Georgia and Pennsylvania.

And if state officials don’t comply with Trump’s purge lists, Cleta Mitchell promises her army will go door-to-door, one voter at a time.

Remember, all of this happens before a single vote is cast. And if that doesn’t work? Now that Congress has funded ICE to become the largest (secret, masked) police agency in America with a network of concentration camps across the country, answerable only to Donald Trump, pretty much anything is possible.

Carville may sound alarmist when he talks about martial law, but let’s remember: Trump tried to overturn the 2020 election, summoned a mob to the Capitol, and flirted with using the Insurrection Act to deploy the military against protestors, who he had asked his generals to “shoot in the legs.”

He’s mused to his followers, “You won’t have to vote anymore, my beautiful Christians.” That’s not subtle. That’s a warning.

And while right-wing pundits like Bill O’Reilly chuckle and offer “18 muffalettas” in mockery, the groundwork for a democratic backslide is already laid, through legal loopholes, voter suppression, intimidation of Republican legislators like we saw yesterday, misinformation, and judicial capture.

Martial law may not arrive with tanks. It may come in the form of a national emergency declaration, a manufactured riot, or the pretense of mass fraud. Trump doesn’t have to cancel the election; he just has to delegitimize it enough to override it.

So, what do we do?

As Palast warns: don’t despair. “They can’t steal all the votes all of the time.” But they sure as hell can steal enough.

We need:

— Massive voter education on how to confirm your registration and re-register early.

— Lawsuits and court challenges in every state adopting suppression tactics.

— Federal action, if not from the Justice Department, then from an organized, relentless citizenry.

— Election monitoring from independent and international groups.

— And, when Democrats are again in power (G-d willing), a law that explicitly says we have a right to vote. It’s insane that government has to get a court order (thanks, Supreme Court) to take away your gun but doesn’t even have to notify you when they take away your vote.

If Trump succeeds in today’s ongoing massive purge of largely Democratic voters and delegitimizing results, he won’t need martial law. The authoritarian train won’t arrive with a bang; it’ll glide in silently; on rails we failed to see being laid down this year.

The Hartmann Report is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my daily work to preserve what’s left of our tattered democracy, please consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

 

Saturday, July 5, 2025

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva


São Paulo, Brazil – The return of Donald Trump to the White House was not the scenario President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva had likely hoped for. On the eve of the U.S. elections, Lula voiced his preference for the Democratic contender, Vice President Kamala Harris, in an interview with French broadcaster TF1.

“As a lover of democracy, which I believe is the most sacred tool humanity has devised to govern itself, I naturally root for Kamala Harris to win the elections,” the Brazilian president declared.

Yet, the outcome was different. Trump emerged victorious and, come January 20, 2025, will once again lead the world’s most powerful nation, four years after leaving office shrouded in criticism, including from his response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the January 6, 2021 attacks from his supporters on the U.S. Capitol.

In Brazil, he will face a different government to those which he experienced in his first term, which were more sympathetic to his right-wing, nationalist style of politics…

Lula’s initial response to Trump’s election indicated openness to dialogue. In a post on X, he congratulated him on his win and his return to the U.S. presidency, emphasizing that democracy reflects the people’s will and wishing the incoming administration success. n an interview with Brazil Reports, Leandro Loureiro, a professor of International Relations at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, said that the relationship between Lula and Trump should be marked by objectivity, with them prioritizing issues of common interest to both countries.

“Lula will likely avoid direct confrontations and prioritize cooperative agreements on shared issues. Conversely, Trump’s approach toward Lula may also be results-oriented, seeking favorable deals. Both leaders are likely to place economic interests above political and ideological differences. Environmental issues may emerge as the primary source of tension,” Loureiro explained.

Dawisson Belém Lopes, a professor of International Politics at the Federal University of Minas Gerais, emphatically told Brazil Reports that Lula and Trump have very different personalities, which can be an obstacle to building bridges.

“They defend a set of perspectives, of visions that are diametrically opposed, starting with the reading that one and the other have of multilateralism, international institutions, international law, the use of force, the question of Palestine and, I think, above all, the status of democracy. Today I don’t see any clear areas of convergence. It will have to be built with skill by the diplomatic corps of the two countries.” […].

-Brazil Reports

DUQUE DE CAXIAS, Brazil, July 4 (Reuters) - Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva suggested on Friday that he will stand for re-election in 2026 but stopped short of making a formal announcement.

"Get ready. If everything goes the way I am thinking, this country will, for the first time, have a president elected four times by the Brazilian people," Lula told an event in Rio de Janeiro.

The 79-year-old leftist leader was elected in 2022 for his third non-consecutive term, having previously served as president between 2003 and 2010.

On October 27, 2002, at the age of 57, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was elected President of the Federative Republic of Brazil for the first time, with almost 53 million votes. Liberal Party (Partido Liberal/PL) businessman and senator for Minas Gerais José Alencar became vice-president.

That same year, the PT National Convention approved a broad political alliance (made up also of political parties PL, PCdoB, PCB and PMN) based on a government program to redeem the country’s social debts to the vast majority of the Brazilian people.

President Lula’s first term as president put Brazil on the right track and prepared it for economic growth alongside important social progress and a significant improvement in income distribution – mostly due to a policy to value Brazil’s minimum wage, to record generation of jobs and to income distribution programs such as Bolsa Família.

On October 29, 2006, once again alongside Vice President José Alencar, Lula was re-elected President with over 58 million votes – then the biggest turnout in the history of Brazil.

Second presidential term

Lula took on his second term on January 1, 2007. That same year, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) began placing Brazil on the list of nations with a high Human Development Index.

On April 30, 2008, Standard & Poor’s granted the Brazilian economy an investment-grade scale and was followed by Fitch and Moody's. Also in 2008, Petrobras carried out an unprecedented feat: extracting oil from Brazil’s pre-salt layer, over 7,000 meters down in oceanic waters.

2008 was also the year of the storm triggered by the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers on September 15. The episode expanded the existing financial crisis – the worst since the crash of the New York Stock Exchange in 1929.

In Brazil, President Lula proclaimed that the “tsunami” sweeping the world would turn into a “small wave” in Brazil. Following a reduction in interest rates and taxes; incentives for consumption; the offer of credit; a minimum wage recovery policy; and more investments in social programs and infrastructure, Brazil emerged much stronger from the first round of that great crisis...

In the 2022 presidential campaign Lula built a broad network of support, gathering notables and politicians from different political parties to back his candidacy – and even Geraldo Alckmin, against whom he had disputed the 2006 election, as vice president. At the end of a fiercely contested election, Lula became the first Brazilian citizen to occupy the Presidency of the Republic three times by the sovereign will of the people. Over 60 million Brazilian men and women gave Lula the biggest vote in history.

On January 1, 2023, Lula ascended the Planalto Palace ramp alongside people who represent Brazilian diversity and received the presidential sash from recyclable material collector Aline Sousa. Aline was able to go to college thanks to the public policies of Lula’s two previous terms. One cycle was completed, and another began.

Biography - President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Sep 07, 2023